Without Lincoln the secession would have become an accomplished fact.

In the general conduct of the war he seldom erred. Where a principle of action was involved he arrived at the right decision by an unerring judgment that amounted almost to intuition. He made many mistakes, but they were largely the results of inexperience, and were mainly in the working out of details.

He tried the patience of many good patriots by not declaring war as soon as hopes of a peaceful solution of the difficulty had passed away, but he saw the immense moral advantage to be gained by compelling the South to become the aggressor, and he did the hardest of all things when he waited while all his surroundings seemed to summon him to action.

The dreadful disasters of the first year of the war are traceable only indirectly to him: they were the legitimate results of the weak, compromising policy of his predecessor and the, as yet, undemonstrated inefficiency of responsible officers.

History shows the surprising fact that no great military movement which was undertaken contrary to his judgment, ever resulted in permanent advantage, while no policy originated and inforced by him, failed to meet with some degree of success. And yet he was an utter stranger to the art of war on the March day when he first assumed the duties of the Presidential office.

His profound sagacity was again shown in the events which preceded and led up to the emancipation proclamation. As a political policy, emancipation never found an advocate in him, for he believed it to be contrary to the provisions of the Constitution.

It was only when the exigencies of the war plainly demanded it that he issued the proclamation, and then only as a military measure.

His delay was ascribed to every possible motive. Many trusted him and were ready to await the opportunity which should be approved by his judgment. Others fretted and bewailed his hesitation and sought to end it by every means in their power. Pressure was brought to bear upon him from all quarters. Delegations of clergymen quoted the words of the Crusaders of old "God wills it." Philanthropists besought him in the name of humanity; statesmen demanded it as a political necessity; Abolitionists asked it as a consummation of their half century of labor and suffering; military officers told him that it was the only thing that would quell the rising disaffection in the army and unite in the support of the Union all right-minded people. Countless delegations thronged his reception rooms and the mails were flooded with appeals, yet he could not be moved by any of them. Though deeply affected, neither prayers, commands nor threats could induce him to take action until his judgment approved the opportunity.

The will of one man alone stood between the country and incalculable disasters, but that will was strong as adamant.

He made himself not only the civil but military leader of the country. In every department of the Army and Navy, his directing influence was felt. Necessarily the most of the details were intrusted to his subordinates and wherever an official proved himself worthy he gave him the widest latitude.

Had Lincoln been in the field in command of the national forces the war would have been fought more vigorously and more quickly. Strict military tactics might not always have been regarded, and some movements not recognized by the manual, might have been executed, but even if it were unconventionally waged, the war would have lacked nothing of vigor and directness.

It is detracting nothing from the glorious services. of officers and men, whether in the Cabinet and Capitol or on the field, to say that the President formed one of the chief elements in the success of the Federal arms.

Mr. Lincoln never had the opportunity to demonstrate his sagacity in the solution of the great problems developed by the successful issue of the war. The reconstruction of the seceded States involved many complicated questions and delicate considerations. There were many theories whose value could only be proven by application, and their application might be disastrous.

He had given a long and careful consideration to the matter, and it is known that he had early formulated a policy by which to guide his actions. This policy was a generous one, more generous than ever a conqueror had dictated to a conquered people before. It was never subjected to a satisfactory test for he was assassinated before the opportunity arrived. There is little reason to doubt, however, that it would have been at least as successful as the one which was afterwards put in force.

The angularities of his character often overshadowed his great merits, but the verdict of history

is unaffected by many of the characteristics which were most evident to his associates. His greatness grows as time passes by and his character is better appreciated.

CHAPTER XXV.

IN regard to his religious views he was always extremely reticent. He seldom referred to the subject in conversation, even with his friends, yet it is plain that during the last years of his life he was actuated by high religious principles. Now and then a chance utterance, together with the deep reverence which pervades his proclamations and other public addresses, afford nearly all the authentic testimony we have on the subject.

He cared little for doctrinal beliefs or sectarian differences, but rather grasped the broad principles of religion which are common to all devout people of whatever denomination.

Mr. Fell, an old acquaintance, says of him: "His religious views were eminently practical and are summed up, as I think, in these two propositions : the Fatherhood of God and the brotherhood of man. He fully believed in a superintending and overruling Providence that guides and controls the operations of the world, but maintained that law and order, and not their violation or suspension, are the appointed means by which this Providence is exercised. "1

Mrs. Lincoln once said to Mr. Herndon : "Mr. Lincoln had no faith and no hope in the usual accept

1 Herndon's "Life of Lincoln,” p. 444.