« AnteriorContinuar »
the following effect:-"To intervene with the Roman government, never recognized; to take the necessary measures for maintaining the influence of France in the Italian peninsula, and to lay down an order of things upon a foundation conformable to the interests of the population; to receive from the established authorities all proposals, and to make with them all necessary arrangements; for form's sake, however, to avoid all recognition of the principle established at Rome. We believe (says the Instructions) that you will be eagerly received by some as a liberator, by others as a useful mediator, against the dangers of a reaction. Your march upon Rome would, no doubt, facilitate the denouement, by giving courage to the honest portion of the community."
Meanwhile the troops of the king of Naples, on the 5th of May, marched against Rome, who were also put to flight, leaving the Romans again victorious. Austria, also, who had united in the plan of intervention to restore the pope, is busily occupied at home with the revolting Hungarians. At Rome this temporary triumph is inspiring the people with indomitable courage, with relentless hatred against the Cardinals and with offensive priests, some of whom have been slain; and it is becoming a certainty that a restoration of the pope to civil power is utterly hopeless. Among the great mass of the French people, a strong reaction is prevailing, amounting to almost indignation, at the course of the French government. Throughout the Roman territory not a single village has declared in favor of the Pope; while the laboring classes, and even the women, are infuriated with zeal in the cause of the Revolution. The Constituent Assembly of Rome have framed the following Address to the English and French Governments, which is so rich in information, that we give it entire. We wait the issues of this whole movement with the deepest interest. The following is the address of the Constituent Assembly of Rome to the Governments and Parliaments of France and England:
"The representatives of the free Roman people confidently appeal to the Governments and to the Parliaments of the two most free and most powerful nations of Europe.
"It is well known that we have been for many ages governed by the Church, with the same special and absolute authority in all matters temporal as in spiritual, whence it happened that, amid the enlightenment of the 19th century, we are surrounded by the darkness of the middle ages. Civilization was combatted at times with open warfare, always with the force of inertia, to such a degree that it was considered a crime in us to feel and call ourselves Italians.
"It is well known that we have on many occasions attempted to achieve our own liberty; but Europe has made us expiate by a harder slavery those very attempts by which other nations have been rendered glorious. At length, after our long martyrdom, the day of redemption appeared to have arrived, and we trusted to the power of ideas as well as to that of events, and to the mild character of the prince. We desired, above all things, to be Italians. This was a crime. We believed ourselves free; this was an illusion. The day came when the prince abandoned us, and we were left without government: all attempts at conciliation failed; messages and messengers from the Parliament and the Municipality were rejected; the people awaited their time with patience, but the emigrated government no longer proffered a single word of liberty or of love; it stigmatized three millions of men with the guilt of an individual, and when we deliberated on employing the only means which remained to us for constituting an authority which the prince had, in fact, abdicated, the priest pronounced a malediction upon us.
"It is well known that our Assembly had its origin in universal suffrage; that Assembly, exercising of necessity an imprescriptible right, decreed the dethronement of theocracy forever, and proclaimed the Republic.
"No one opposed it. The only voice of complaint arose from the theocracy which we had overthrown. And yet it is to this voice that Europe is willing to listen, and seems to forget the story of our woes, and to confound what lies within the province of spiritual authority with that which is purely temporal.
"The Roman Republic has sanctioned the independence and the free exercise of the spiritual authority of the pope, and has thereby demonstrated to the Catholic world how profoundly deep is its conviction that the liberty of religious action should be inseparable from the supreme head of the Church. To maintain this liberty in
the fullest integrity, the Roman Republic adds to the moral guarantee afforded by the devotion of all our Catholic brethren, the material guarantee of all the force at its disposal. But Europe is not contented with this, and it is repeated that the existence of the temporal power of the pope is essential to Catholicism.
"For this reason we invite the Governments and Parliaments of France and England to consider what right can be alleged by any power to impose any form of government whatever on an independent nation, and where is the wisdom of attempting to restore a government by its very nature irreconcilable with liberty and civilization-a government long since morally abolished, and actually so, for upwards of five months, without any one among the clergy having attempted to set up again its fallen standard; or where is the wisdom of resuscitating a government universally detested, incapable of a long existence, and, on the contrary, certain to provoke continual conspiracies, disturbances, and revolutions.
"And if we assert that such a government cannot be identified and reconciled either with liberty or civilization, we have surely good grounds for such an assertion, since the experiment we have lately made of a constitution has proved how much the attempt to establish an affinity and combination between temporal and spiritual concerns has impeded its working and development. Here ecclesiastical cauons nullified civil statutes: under the empire of theocracy, public education and instruction were the privilege and monopoly of the clergy-the ecclesiastical privilege of mortmain impeded the transmission of property. Ecclesiastics were exempted by privilege from appearing before the civil tribunals, while the laity were subject to the jurisdiction of the ecclesiastical tribunals, all which constituted a condition of things so far removed from real liberty or civilization, that any free nation must prefer the alternative of waging ten wars to enduring a single one of them.
And how can Europe-so often thrown into commotion by the sacerdotal power which launched the thunders of the Church against her States-how can she expect three millions of men to submit at the present day to an authority which not only exercises its political right of temporal punishment against the offender, but even threatens damnation to his soul? Europe cannot reason herself into the belief that free institutions can be fitly carried out under a prince who can, under cover of his political power, turn the enormous authority of the priest to perplexing and disturbing consciences.
"We trust that England and France, so justly jealous of their own independence, will never willingly consent, that there should exist in the centre of Italy, a people neutral with respect to other nations, made serfs for the sake of the rest of the catholic world, excluded from the rights of nations, and made a mere apanage for the clergy. The Roman people claim to be masters of the Roman state. And if catholic nations may intervene in behalf of their religious affairs, surely they have no right to interfere with our political rights, or our social pact. However neutrality may be imposed upon a whole nation, it surely cannot be imposed on the central district of a country with regard to the rest, it being impossible for this centre to have by itself a national life, by the mere force of treaties or protocols.
"The representatives of the Roman people would consider it an insult to the potitical wisdom of the Governments and Parliaments of France and England, were hey to doubt their acknowledging the importance of the rights and arguments herein slightly touched upon, no less than the advantage to Europe herself, who must ensure its own lasting tranquillity by securing the abolition of the government of the priesthood.
"Undoubtedly it can never be expected of us that we should not oppose the restoration with a bold, determined, and irrevocable will; nor can Europe impute to us the threatening catastrophe that may ensue, nor the inevitable injury that a violent and bloody restoration would occasion, even to the catholic authority of the papacy. We are convinced that England and France will lend us both aid and counsel in order to avert such evils, and to draw closer the bond of amity in which all free nations should now be united.
"For the National Assembly,
"G. GALLETTI, President.
"G. Pennacchi, A. Fabbretti, A. Zanobianchi, G. Cocchi, Secretaries. "Rome, April 18, 1849."
ART. I.-1. The Life of Samuel Johnson, D. D., First President of King's [Columbia] College, N. Y., etc. By Rev. T. B. CHANDLER, D. D. 18mo. pp. 208.
2. History of the Church in Newtown, [Rev. D. Burhans'.] Churchman's Magazine, Hartford, 1822.
3. American Biography and Historical Dictionary. By WILLIAM ALLEN, D. D., Pres. Bowdoin College. pp. 800,
4. Missions of the Church of England in N. A. Colonies. By ERNEST HAWKINS, B. D. pp. 448, 8vo. 1845.
5. A Friendly Expostulation, &c. By [Rev.]J[OHN] B[EACH.] pp. 48, 8vo. [1763.]
6. Early Churchmen of Connecticut. By A. B. CHAPIN. pp. 28, 8vo. 1839.
7. Sermons of the Early Clergy, MSS.
IN the April number of the Church Review for 1848, when sketching a brief outline of Colonial Church Missions of the Seventeenth Century, within the limits of what are now the United States, we had occasion to speak of Rev. Dr. Johnson, and the influence he exerted upon the growth and character
of the Church in Connecticut. We propose now to consider, more at large, the nature and character of that influence, as seen in the lives and history of those Clergy who were brought into the Church by his means. It would afford us great pleasure to begin with Rev. Dr. Johnson himself, first in time, character, and influence, among the early Clergy of Connecticut; to detail some of the leading events of his history, and point out some of the obligations which Churchmen and others owe this venerable man. But we hope to see this better done than we should be able to do it, by the publication of an autobiography of the man, under the editorial supervision of one fully competent to the task, and who, we trust, will enrich it with many valuable and interesting notes. We shall merely say, in this place, therefore, that there is in the possession of a friend, a life of Dr. Johnson, written by himself, and which formed the basis of the biography known as Chandler's Life of Johnson. The autobiography was placed in the hands of Rev. Dr. Chandler, who re-wrote it, omitting many interesting particulars which he did not deem expedient to publish, and adding some others which the modesty of Dr. J. would not allow him to write. The work of Dr. Chandler was published under the supervision of his son-in-law, the Rt. Rev. Bishop Hobart, of New York, who does not seem to have been aware of its real origin. To this autobiography we hope to see appended such additional matter, by way of notes and illustrations, as we know to be in existence, and which shall serve to make us acquainted with the extent of our indebtedness to Rev. Dr. Johnson-an extent of which many of us seem not to have the slightest conception-which is not confined to mere matters of theological controversy, but includes also Biblical science and polite literature within a wide range.
JOHN BEACH, the son of William Beach, was born at Stratford, A. D. 1700. He manifested an ardent desire for knowledge at a very early period, and especially for such knowledge as would throw additional light upon the Sacred Record, to which his attention was principally turned. For this purpose, geography and history were pursued to the extent of the means within his reach; and the habits of inquiry thus early formed, continued to influence him through life. The
* A Life of Mr. Beach was prepared for the press as early as 1810, and forwarded to Mr. Lazarus Beach, his grandson, then a printer at Washington. Returning from Washington, Mr. B. lost his trunk, containing the MSS. together with many valuable pamphlets illustrating the history of the times.
counsel and example of a pious father sinking deep in his heart, and producing in him a spirit of prayer and a love of meditation unusual in one of his age, he cared little for the ordinary sports of youth and childhood; and leading a life of retirement and meditation, his enemies afterwards reproached him with what they were pleased to term "a monkish holiness." His father designed him for a tiller of the ground, but his longings after wisdom, and his deep solicitude to be able to read and understand the Bible in its original tongues, induced the Rev. Mr., afterwards Rev. Dr. Cutler, then the Congregational minister of Stratford, to advise, and his father to consent to his "going to college." He entered Yale College in 1717, and after "making uncommon proficiency in learning," was graduated in 1721, under the Presidency of Rev. Dr. Cutler, who had then presided over the College for two years. Through the influence of his former pastor and others, Mr. Beach was induced to study the Episcopal controversy, which was openly commenced in the Colony the following year, by the startling announcement that Rev. Dr. Cutler, the President of the College, Mr. David Brown, a tutor in the same institution, the Rev. Mr. Johnson, the Congregational minister of West Haven, and Rev. James Wetmore, the Congregational minister of North Haven, had declared for Episcopacy. This inquiry raised many doubts in his mind concerning the validity of Presbyterian ordination, which becoming known, he was invited to Brookhaven, with a salary of £60 per annum, and testimonials proffered him to go to England for Orders. But though he had doubts concerning Presbyterian ordination, he had greater doubts as to the lawfulness of conformity in the Church of England, and hence declined the offer.
Soon after, he was unanimously called to the charge of the Congregational parish in Newtown, where he remained about seven years, or until 1732, greatly respected and beloved. The acquaintance commenced with Dr. Johnson at New Haven was continued, and the various topics of difference between them were frequently discussed by these gentlemen at Newtown, where Dr. Johnson then preached once in three months. This seems to have excited some suspicion of Mr. B.'s soundness, which was subsequently confirmed by his occasionally using the LORD's Prayer in his public prayers.
"The force of prejudice" was never better illustrated than in the Puritan treatment of the LORD's Prayer. Mr. Beach says:-"I am sorry that our neighbors not only wholly neglect this Divine Prayer, but take a great deal of pains to vilify it as no Christian Prayer, and as not fit to be used by a Christian."-Friendly Expost., p. 37. This language asserts a fact that seems almost incredible. But compare with