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and nobody would attend to. Nothing was in agitation, but the payment of a debt of a million and a half to the India Company out of the public purse, and the public had nothing to do with it! It was not an English question. Nothing, at least, can be more indisputable, than that the grounds of the Company's claim to the payment of a million and a half, supported by the Report of the Select Committee, are not at all understood.

10. From that hour to this, we have heard no more of the India Company in Parliament. There has been no Budget from the Board of Controul, nor Report from the Select Committee, expressly appointed in March 1808, to inquire into the State of the Company's Afiai.s, and to report the same. And even the Exposition of that State, drawn up by the Court of Directors, has been withheld not only from the Public, but even from the Trustees of the Public Purse, out of which the last million and a half was given to the said Company. We are now in February, 1810, and the Company's Charter is going to be renewed. But, instead of paying for it, as other Corporate Bodies have usually done for every renewal of an exclusive privilege, it is actually said to be agreed that the Public shall lend or give them two millions more this year, to enable them to go on with their monopoly; that is, to enable a merchant to continue to divide 10 per cent. without assets, on an ideal capital, of which there does not exist one sixpence in this world; and also to help them to export a million every year in gold and silver to China and India, as they have done for many years!-Of the House of Commons, generally, it is in vain to say any thing, except that they are the Trustees of the People, whom they tax. I shall, therefore, content myself with asking, in the emphatic words of Sir Philip Francis*, "Has the House of "Commons a moral right, does it possess a "constitutional competence, does it fall "within the limits of any rational idea of "the trust reposed in them, to feed the "wants and support the existence of a "mercantile corporation out of the public "purse?"-By others it is said, and it may possibly be true, that the two millions, which the Company are going to receive, are not to be given them by a grant of Parliament, but that they are to apply for

* Letter to Lord Howick, 1st July, 1807.

an act to enable them to borrow.so many millions on their bonds. Supposing this to be the case, it mends the matter very little. The money still is raised on the Public, and so much more of the Company's paper is to be forced into circulation. The whole of this question was slightly argued about three years ago, on occasion of the former Loan. On the part of the Company, it was said that they had a right to raise money on their own credit, that it concerned nobody but themselves, and that Parliament had no right to restrain them. On the other side it was stated that, in that very year, ending in March, 1808, by their own estimate, the domestic Balance against them, that is the excess of their payments beyond their receipts here in Leadenhall Street, would amount to 2,213,7961. and that, with a similar deficit for several years together, and saved only from avowed bankruptcy by new Loans, and Grants from Parliament, they continued to vote themselves a regular dividend of 10 per Cent;-that, in favour of the Proprietors, the act of 1793 gave them a precedence in the application of the profits of the company in England, and allowed them to begin with their own dividend. Out of what Fund? Out of the net proceeds of their sales at home, and no other. It follows then that any dividend out of money borrowed, or from any fund but the net proceeds, is not only fraudulent on the face of it, but against law.His Majesty's Ministers and others will be ready, as they always have been, to declare that the lenders of the two millions, on the security of the Company's credit, would have no claim on the Public, and with this help the measure will be carried again as it was before. The declarations of individuals, besides being open to dispute and explanation, bind nobody but themselves, and are conclusive of no opinion but their own. On the other side, the creditors will plead an Act of the Legislature, whose meaning is made known by their acts or resolutions, and not by the debates in either House. Supposing the borrower to be insolvent, the lenders will resort to the House of Commons for relief, with a plea, which it will be very easy to reject, but very difficult to answer. They will say that they confided in the care of that Honourable House, that it would not have allowed the Company to raise money on the community, without a certain kuowledge, derived from a strict examina

on of their accounts, that they had a suffi-
cient security to give, and that their credi-
tors would be safe. They will tell the
House of Commons, "In this case more
“than any other, because the India Com-
"pany is perpetually under the inspection
"of Parliament, you are the Inquest and
"Guardian of the Country: Whatever you
"permit you sanction. We should not
"have lent a shilling on the Company's
Bonds, without your Indorsement."
February 5, 1810.
X. X. X.

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THANKS OF THE CITY OF LONDON
TO MR. WARDLE.

On Tuesday, January 30, MR. WARDLE attended at Guildhall, to receive the Thanks, and the Freedom of the City, in a gold box, of the value of 100 guineas, voted him by the Corporation, for his able and patriotic conduct in the House of Commons, in bringing forward Charges against the late Commander-in-Chief. He was introduced to the Chamberlain by Mr. Alderman Good behere and Mr. Waithman (the mover and seconder) attended by several of the Livery, who received him in the politest manner. After administering the oath, Mr. Chamberlain addressed him in the following words :-

tance of the late Investigation, and of your meritorious conduct and perseverance, there is nothing left for me to add upon that subject: but, Sir, allow me to express a wish for your health and happiness, and that you may live to witness the good which we may hope will result from your exertions; and may mankind in general, and especially those of exalted rank, and in confidential situations, be deeply impressed with the truth of what has been declared by the prince of historians, that

Mulier amissa pudicitia haud alia abnuerit.

MR. WARDLE then, on receiving a copy of the Thanks and the Box from the Chamberlain, addressed him as follows:

SIR-With sentiments of the highest respect and gratitude, I accept the Freedom of the City of London. I am little capable of saying how much I feel honoured by so high and proud a mark of distinction: for, however strong my nerves may be, when my duty calls me forth in defence of the rights and liberties of the people; still when so highly respected a portion of that people are conferring upon me such an invaluable pledge of their approbation, I feel myself unequal to de more than offer my plain, but heartfelt thanks. And yet, Sir, it is not alone this mark of favour that I am bound to acknowGWYLLIM LLOYD WARDLE, ESQ.-I give ledge; but I have also to express my you joy, and, in the name of the right hon. gratitude for that uniform and steady the Lord Mayor, Aldermen, and Com- support given me by the Citizens of Lonmoners of the City of London, in Common don, during the progress of those unexamCouncil assembled, and agreeable to their pled attacks that have been made upon unanimous Resolution, admit you to the me, in consequence of that very conduct Freedom of the Metropolis of the British which has been so distinguished by their Empire. The Court has likewise unani- approbation. That support, Sir, has enamously resolved, that you having, unawed bled me successfully to defend myself by ministerial threats, exhibited serious against my enemies-the enemies of Charges against the late Commander-in-public man who dares to expose and atChief, which have been clearly substanti- tack corruption. By continuing to expose ated, and which have in fact induced his and attack it, wherever it may offer itself, Royal Highness to resign a situation, of I trust to having continued to me the conwhich, in the opinion of the Court, he is fidence and support of the first City in the unworthy, are entitled to the esteem and World!-It is no small satisfaction to me, gratitude of this Court and the Country. to receive my Freedom, during the MayorI am, therefore, Sir, to return you the alty of a Gentleman, who has already Thanks of the Court, together with a Me- shewn himself the firm friend of the Rights morial of your admission to the Freedom and Liberties of the People, and of our of this City, in a gold box, of the value of excellent Constitution-such as it once 100 guineas, in grateful testimony of the was; and such as, I trust, it once more high sense they entertain of the zeal, in-will be!-To you, Sir, for the handsome trepidity, and patriotism, which are so eminently evinced in that arduous and laudable undertaking. The Court having so fully expressed their sense of the impor

every

and flattering manner in which you have conferred this high honour upon me, much is due; and I beg leave to thank you kindly.

OFFICIAL PAPERS.

AMERICAN DISPUTE.-Correspondence, between MR. R. SMITH, the American Secretary of State, and MR. F. J. JACKSON, the English Envoy, &c. &c.

MR. SMITH TO MR. PINKNEY.

(Continued from p. 160.)

brought to the knowledge of this Government. It had, indeed, been among the rumours of the day, that some unbecoming scene had taken place at Norfolk, or Hampton, between some officers belonging to the Africaine and some of the inhabitants, and that it originated in the indiscretion of the former. No attention having been called for, and no inquires made, the truth of the case is unknown. But it was never supposed that Mr. Jackson himself, who was on board the frigate, had been personally insulted: nor is it yet per ceived in what way he considers it as having happened. It is needless to remark that any representation on the subject would have instantly received every proper attention. Another ground on which a protection was asked for, is the supposed tendency of the language of our newspa pers to excite popular violence on Mr. Jackson's person. Had he been longer and better acquainted with the habits and spirit of the American people, he would probably never have entertained an ap prehension of that sort. If he meant to animadvert on the free language of the newspapers, he might justly be reminded that our laws, as those of his country, set bounds to that freedom: that the freedom of British prints, however great with respect to public characters of the United States, has never been a topic of complaint; and that supposing the latitude of the American press to exceed that of Great Britain, the dif ference is infinitely less in this respect between the two, than between the British press and that of the other nations of Europe. The second note seems to be essentially intended as a justification of the conduct of Mr. Jackson in that part of his correspondence which has given umbrage. If he intended it as a conciliatory advance, he ought not to have prece ded it by a demand of passports, nor by the spirit or the manner in which that de

The British Government ought not to have made such a proposition; because it not only, like others, naturalizes aliens, but in relation to the United States has even refused to discharge from the British service native citizens of the United States involuntarily detained. If an American seaman has resided in Great Britain, or has married therein, or has accepted a bounty in her naval service, his discharge therefrom, on the regular application to the British Government, has been invariably refused by its Board of Admiralty. This I state on the authority of the official reports made to this department.-It is, therefore, truly astonishing, that, with a knowledge of these facts, such a pretension should have been advanced at all: but, above all, that it should have been made a sine qua non to an act of plain justice, already so long delayed. This is the more to be regretted, as the omen does not favour the belief we would willingly cherish, that no predetermination exists in the Councils of his Britannic Majesty irreconciliable to an amicable arrangement of an affair, which, affecting so deeply the honour of the United States, must precede a general regulation of the mutual interests of the two countries.-After the correspondence with Mr. Jackson was terminated, two notes, of which copies are herewith sent to you, were presented to me in the name and by the hand of Mr. Oakley, the British Secretary of Legation.-The first requested a document, having the effect of a special passport or safeguard to Mr. Jackson and his family during their stay in the United States. As the laws of mand was made. He ought, in fact, if this country allow an unobstructed pas- such was his object, to have substituted sage through every part of it, and, with an explanation in the place of his reply the law of nations, equally in force, pro- to my premonitory letter. But whether tect public Ministers and their families in he had one or other or both of these oball their privileges, such an application was jects in view, it was necessary for him to regarded as somewhat singular. There have done more than is attempted in this was no hesitation, however, in furnishpaper. It was never objected to him that ing a certificate of his public character, and he had stated it as a fact that the three to be used in any mode he might chuse. propositions in question had been submit. But what surprised most was the reason ted to me by Mr. Erskine, nor that he assigned for the application. The insult had stated it as made known to him by he alluded to was then, for the first time, the instructions of Mr. Canning, that

the instruction to Mr. Erskine, containing those three conditions, was the only one from which his authority was derived to conclude an arrangement in the matter to which it related. The objection was, that a knowledge of this restriction of the authority of Mr. Erskine was imputed to this Government, and the repetition of the imputation even after it had been so frequently disclaimed. This was so gross an attack on the honour and veracity of the Government, as to forbid all further communications from him. Care was nevertheless taken, at the same time, to leave the door open for such as might be made through any other channel, however little the probability that any satisfactory communications would be received through any channel here. To the other inclosures I add a printed copy of a paper purporting to be a circular letter from Mr. Jackson to the British Consuls in the United States. This paper speaks for itself. As its contents entirely correspond with the paper last referred to, so they were unnecessary for the ostensible object of the letter, which was to make known Mr. Jackson's change of residence, and as the paper was at once put into circulation, it can only be regarded as a verbal address to the American people of a representation preiously addressed to their Government; procedure which cannot fail to be seen in its true light by his Sovereign.-The observations to which so much extent bas been given in this letter, with those contained in the correspondence with Mr. Jackson, will make you fully acquaintedwith the conduct and the character he has developed, with the necessity of the step taken in refusing further communications fr him, and with the grounds on which the Fresident instructs you to request that le may be immediately recalled. You are particularly instructed, at the same time, in making these communications, to do it in a manner that will leave no doubt of the undiminished desire of the United States to unite in all the means the best calculated to establish the relations of the two countries on the solid foundation of justice, of friendship, and of mutual interest. With great respect, &c.

I

R. SMITH.

MR. CANNING TO MR, PINCKNEY.

Foreign Office, May 27, 1809.

copy of the Order in Council, which his Majesty has directed to be issued, for the purpose of preventing, as far as, possible any inconvenience or detriment to the Merchants of the United States, who may have entered into commercial speculations on the faith of the unauthorized engagements of Mr. Erskine, previously to the notification in America, of his Majesty's disavowal of those engagements.-Having had the honour to read to you in extenso, the instructions with which Mr. Erskine was furnished, it is not necessary for me to enter into any explanation of those points in which Mr. Erskine has acted, not only in not conformity, but in direct contradiction to them.-I forbear equally, from troubling you, Sir, with any comment, on the manner in which Mr. Erskine's communications have been received by the American Government, or upon the terms ar spirit of Mr. Smith's share of the consciation.-Such observations will be communicated more properly through the Minister whom his Majesty has directed to proceed to America, not on any special mission (which Mr. Erskine was not authorised to promise, except upon conditions, not one of which he has obtained), but as the successor of Mr. Erskine, whom his Majesty has not lost a moment in recalling. I have the honour to be, with great consideration, Sir, your most obedient humble servant,

(Sgned)

GEORGE CANNING.

MR. PINKNEY'S ANSWER.

Great Cumberland Place, May 29, 1809.
Sir-I have received the communica-

tion which you did me the honour to ad-
dress to me on the 27th instant, and will
hasten to transmit it to the Secretary of
State of the United States. No instruc-
tions or information from my Govern-
ment, concerning the transactions in Ame-
rica, to which your communication al-
ludes, having yet reached me, I can only
express my concern, that the conciliatory
arrangements concerted and concluded,

as you have done me the honour to inform me, between the American Secretary of State and his Majesty's accredited Minister at Washington; acting in consequence and professing to act in pursuance, of regular instructions from his Court, are not likely to have all that effect which was naturally to have been expected from them."

Sir-According to the intimation which I have the honour to be, with great consi

have now the honour to inclose to you a gave to you in our last conference, I

deration, Sir, your most obedient, humble

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FLUSHING Report of Adjutant Frederick
Dubourg on the present state of the Dock,
Port, and Arsenal of Flushing, dated
from thence, Jan. 4, 1810.

PRESENT STATE OF THE DOCK.

CHANNEL.

The piles which were driven in, both perpendicular and horizontal, have some of them been sawed. A brig and a pinnace have been thrown also into the middle of this channel. Also a boat on the north side; but all this may be easily removed.

THE ARSENAL,

The interior wood of the quay of the Dock, on the side towards the Arsenal, is destroyed. The ground has been dug away, and thrown into the Dock, on the paved side of the embankment.-The quay The magazine and the different buildon the side of the Old Dutch Bank is in a ings attached to it have been burnt. The good state, and nearly in the condition it materials of building have been entirely was in before the occupation of the destroyed. The mercantile port has not enemy. The Quay for careening, which been injured; there is only a boat at the had been repaired by the ememy, has entrance between the piers, which may been reduced to its former state, The with facility be drawn into the port. The gates of the Dock and the Sluices have same may be done with an English brig, been blown up. Some large pieces of which is very little damaged, and which the timber remain, but they are shattered. remains near the Western Pier, under the From the general appearance of the ramparts of the town. This is one of mines employed by the enemy, it may be those boats to which the enemy set fire on supposed that the foundations have not the approach of the French flotilla. In been injured. Both within and without different situations on the bank there are the gates of the Dock, many vessels or about 15 wrecks of boats.-The English boats laden with bullets and bombs have division which fled before the French been sunk. Within the Dock there is a flotilla, cut away its cables on setting sail. great quantity of cannon, or bombs, and I of bullets which the enemy had thrown hastily into it, presuming that they should not have time to carry them away. From the middle of the Dam on the outside of the Sluice, the Dock may be very easily emptied, and the condition of the foundation of the Sluice thereby examined. The vessels or boats may be easily raised, and the cannon bullets, and bombs extracted, and every other incumbrance that has been thrown into the Dock. The value of the useful articles so obtained will pay the expense of the labour, and even repair the Sluice, if his Majesty should think fit that it should be restored.

THE ANTERIOR PART OF THE DOCK TO THE
CHAIN.

Here the enemy has thrown the cleansing utensils, which may be easily abstracted. On the bank called the Royal Hollandais they have thrown a quantity of rubbish, which has elevated the soil nearly as high as the marshes. They have also thrown in ten pieces of cannon.

have ordered the pilots to sound the channels, and to raise the anchors and cables which the enemy has abandoned.

-No vessels have been sunken in the Dykes. The enemy intended to do this, but he was not allowed time to accomplish his purpose. Two vessels laden with several kinds of artillery, have been taken in the ports. A quantity of bullets that the enemy probably had not time to remove, are now deposited here-It is not possible at present to estimate the number of vessels the enemy has lost, but by the wrecks that are visible every where, the loss must have been considerable. The boats we have employed have preserved every thing, and among the materials are some masts of ships of the line. Many bodies of men and horses are floating on the coast. An inventory is preparing of the effects abandoned by the enemy. (Signed) DUBOURG. The Secretary General Minister at War (Signed) FRIREON.

LONDON :-Printed by T. C. HANSARD, Peterborough - Court, Fleet - Street;

Published by R. BAGSHAW, Brydges-Street, Covent Garden :-Sold also by J. BUDD, Pall-Mall,

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