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lature, or of any individuals, to give legal existence to
Slavery in any Territory of the United States.

9. That we brand the recent re-opening of the African
slave-trade, under the cover of our national flag, aided
by perversions of judicial power, as a crime against hu-
manity and a burning shame to our country and age;
and we ca'l upon Congress to take prompt and efficient
measures for the total and final suppression of that exe-
crable traffic.

States.

Maine.10 6
New-Hampshire 1 7
Vermont....

FIRST BALLOT.

Seward.

2 Lincoln.

|| Cameron.

| Wade.

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Rhode Island...-
Connecticut....
New-York......70

10. That in the recent vetoes, by their Federal Gover- Massachusetts..21 4
nors, of the acts of the Legislatures of Kansas and Ne-
praska, prohibiting Slavery in those Territories, we find a
practical illustration of the boasted Democratic princi-
ple of Non Intervention and Popular Sovereignty embo- New-Jersey.
died in the Kansas-Nebraska bill, and a demonstration

of the deception and fraud involved therein.

Pennsylvania.. 14 4

Maryland...... 3
Delaware...

11. That Kansas should, of right, be immediately ad-
mitted as a State under the Constitution recently formed Virginia...
and adopted by her people, and accepted by the House Kentucky.

of Representatives.

12. That, while providing revenue for the support of the
General Government by duties upon imports, sound policy
requires such an adjustment of these imposts as to en-
courage the development of the industrial interests of the
whole country: and we commend that policy of national
exchanges which secures to the working men liberal
wages, to agriculture remunerating prices, to mechanics
and manufacturers an adequate reward for their skill,

labor, and enterprise, and to the nation commercial pros-
perity and independence.

13. That we protest against any sale or alienation to
others of the Public Lands held by actual settlers, and
against any view of the Homestead policy which regards
the settlers as paupers or suppliants for public bounty;
and we demand the passage by Congress of the complete
and satisfactory Homestead measure which has already
passed the House.

Ohio.....

Indiana
Missouri.

Michigan.
Illinois.
Texas....

S3 |1||12||||||8

2 1

47

8 14
562

1

8

1
4

26

18

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Wisconsin......10

Iowa....

California.
Minnesota..... 8

Oregon..

Territories.

Kansas..

6

Nebraska...... 2 1
Dis. of Columbia 2

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1

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Mr. Judd, of Illinois, named Abraham Lin- Iowa..
coln. Mr. Dudley, of New Jersey, nominated California
Wm. L. Dayton. Gov. Reeder, of Pennsylva- Minnesota.
vania, nominated Simon Cameron. Mr. Cart-
ter, of Ohio, nominated Salmon P. Chase.
Francis P. Blair, of Maryland, nominated Ed-
ward Bates, of Missouri.

Indiana seconded the nomination of Abraham
Lincoln. Mr. Austin Blair, of Michigan, seconded
the nomination of Mr. Seward; so also did Carl
Schurz, of Wisconsin, Mr. Worth, of Minnesota,
and Mr. Wilder, of Kansas.

Mr. Corwin, of Ohio, nominated Judge Mc-
Lean.

Mr. Delano, of Ohio, seconded the nomination
of Mr. Lincoln, as did also one of the delegates

from Iowa.

The balloting then proceeded, with the following result:

Kansas.

Territories.

SECOND BALLOT.

Seward.

10

1

22

|| Bates.

|||| Cameron.

Lincoln.

181069

|| 10 || || McLean.

984 ||||32||||||620

44

70

4

2 48

1

24

3

8

6

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3 29

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|||||| Dayton.

|||||| C. M. Clay

10

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i

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declared duly nominated.

On motion of Wm. M. Evarts, of New-York, seconded by Mr. Andrew, of Massachusetts, the nomination was then made unanimous.

On motion of Mr. Evarts, of New-York, the Convention now took a recess till 5 o'clock, to afford time for consultation as to Vice-President. At 5 o'clock the Convention reassembled, listened to nominations, and then proceeded to ballot.

The following is a record of the ballotings for Vice-President:

[NOTE. Col.Fremont had sent a letter by one of the delegates from California, withdrawing his name from the list of candidates for President. This letter was published before the meeting of the Convention.]

District of Columbia.

Total..

Massachusetts withdrew the name of Banks, and cast 26 votes for Mr. Hamlin. Pennsylvania withdrew the name of C Reeder, and cast 54 votes for Mr. Hamlin. On motion of Mr. Blakey, of Kentucky, nomination was made unanimous. Mr. J. R. Giddings, of Ohio, offered and Convention adopted the following:

Resolved, That we deeply sympathize with those who have been driven, some from their native States others from the States of their adoption, and are exiled from their homes on account of their opinio

and we hold the Democratic party responsible for gross violations of that clause of the Constitution wh declares that citizens of each State shall be entitled all the privileges and immunities of citizens of several States.

| Houston.

Mr. Ashmun made a brief speech, and the Convention adjourned sine die, with nine hearty cheers for the ticket.

NATIONAL REPUBLICAN COMMITTEE.

The Convention previous to its adjournment
made choice of the following gentlemen as the
National Committee for the next four years:

Maine CHARLES J. GILMAN, Brunswick.
New-Hampshire-GEORGE G. FOGG, Concord.
Vermont-LAWRENCE BRAINARD, St. Albans.
Massachusetts-JOHN Z. GOODRICH, Stockbridge.
Rhode Island-THOMAS G. TURNER, Providence.
Connecticut-GIDEON WELLES, Hartford.
New-York-EDWIN D. MORGAN, Albany.
New-Jersey-DENNING DUER, N. Y. City.
Pennsylvania-EDWARD MCPHERSON, Gettysburg
Delaware-NATHANIEL B. SMITHERS, Dover.
Maryland-JAMES F. WAGNER, Baltimore.
Virginia-ALFRED CALDWELL, Wheeling.
Ohio THOMAS SPOONER, Reading, Hamilton Co.
Indiana-SOLOMON MEREDITH, Centerville.
Illinois-NORMAN B. JUDD, Chicago.
Michigan-AUSTIN BLAIR, Jackson.
Wisconsin-CARL SCHURZ, Milwaukee.
Iowa-ANDREW J. STEVENS, Des Moines.
Minnesota-JOHN MCKUSICK, Stillwater.
Missouri-ASA S. JONES, St. Louis.
Kentucky-CASSIUS M. CLAY, Whitehall,
California-D. W. CHEESMAN, Oroville.
Oregon W. FRANK JOHNSON, Oregon City.
Kansas-WILLIAM A. PHILLIPS, Lawrence.
Nebraska-O. H. IRISH, Nebraska City.
Dist. of Columbia, JOSEPH GERHARDT, Washington.

At a meeting held in Chicago, May 18th,
1860, the Committee organized by choosing the
Hon. E. D. Morgan, of New-York, Chairman,
and George G. Fogg, of New Hampshire, Secre-
tary. Subsequently, the following persons were
constituted the Executive Committee:

E. D. MORGAN, of New-York.
GIDEON WELLES, of Connecticut.
N. B. JUDD, of Illinois.
CARL SCHURZ, of Wisconsin.
JOHN Z. GOODRICH, of Massachusetts.
DENNING DUER, of New-Jersey.
GEO. G. FOGG, of New Hampshire.

Resolved, That it is both the part of patriotism and of duty to recognize no political principle other than THE CONSTITUTION OF THE COUNTRY, THE UNION OF THE STATES AND THE ENFORCEMENT OF THE LAWS, and that, as representatives of the Constitutional Union men of the country in National Convention assembled, we hereby pledge ourselves to maintain, protect and defend, separately and unitedly, these great principles of public liberty and national safety, against all enemies at home and abroad, believing that thereby peace may once more be restored to the country, the rights of the People and of the States reëstablished, and the Government again placed in that condition, of justice, fraternity and equality, which, under the example and Constitution of our fathers, has solemly bound every citizen of the United States to maintain a more perfect union, establish justice, insure domestic tranquillity, provide for the common defense, promote the general welfare, and secure the blessings of liberty to ourselves and our posterity.

DEMOCRATIC CONVENTION-1860.

A Democratic National Convention assembled at Charleston, S. C., on the 23d of April, 1860, with full delegations present from every State in the Union, and double delegations from Illinois and New-York. One of the New-York delegations was elected by the State Nominating Convention which met at Syracuse the preceding autumn; while its rival was elected by districts, and led by Fernando Wood, Mayor of the commercial emporium. From Illinois, one of the delegations was favorable to Senator Douglas, and the other opposed to that gentleman. Tickets of admission were given by the National Committee to the former or "Soft" Delegation from New York, thus deciding, so far as their power extended, against the Wood or "Hard" contestants, who were understood to be opposed to the nomination of Douglas.

Francis B. Flournoy, of Arkansas, was chosen temporary chairman, and the Convention opened with an angry and stormy debate on the question of the disputed seats. Mr. Fisher, of Va., presented a protest from Mayor Wood, on behalf of his delegation, against their CONSTITUTIONAL UNION CONVENTION_ exclusion from the Hall. The reading of the

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protest was ruled out of order, and, after a wrangling debate, committees were appointed on Permanent Organization and Credentials, and the communication of Mayor Wood was referred without reading to the latter.

On the following day, the Committee on Organization reported the name of Caleb Cushing, of Mass., for President, with one VicePresident and one Secretary from each State, which report was adopted. They also reported a rule "that in any State in which it has not "been provided or directed by its State Con"vention how its vote may be given, the "Convention will recognize the right of each "delegate to cast his individual vote." Which was also adopted.

A Committee on Resolutions and Platform was now appointed; and it was voted that no ballot for President and Vice-President should be taken till after the adoption of a Platform. Adjourned.

On the following day, the only progress made by the Convention was the settlement of the question of contested seats, by confirming the sitting delegates; that is, the "Softs" from New-York, and the Douglas men from Illinois. On the 26th, no progress was made, though there was much angry debate and many threats

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perty on the high seas, in the Te wherever else its constitutional au tends.

The fourth that, when the settlers tory have adequate population to f Constitution, the right of Sovere mences, and, being consummated k mission into the Union, they stan equal footing with the citizens of ot and that a State thus organized is to ted into the Union, Slavery or no Sla

The day was spent in fierce deba coming to a vote on any of these vari sitions.

On the 28th, Senator Wm. Bigler sylvania, moved that the majority an reports be recommitted to the Conve instructions to report in an hour, the

Resolved, That the Platform adopted b cratic party at Cincinnati be affirmed, with t explanatory resolution:

Resolved, That the Government of a T ganized by an act of Congress, is provisional rary, and, during its existence, all citizens of States have an equal right to settle in th without their rights, either of person or prop destroyed or impaired by Congressional or Legislation.

Resolved, That the Democratic party stan to the doctrine that it is the duty of Gov maintain all the constitutional rights of p whatever kind, in the Territories, and to enfo decisions of the Supreme Court in reference t

Resolved, That it is the duty of the United afford ample and complete protection to all whether at home or abroad, and whether foreign. Resolved, That one of the necessities of th military, commercial and postal point of view communication between the Atlantic and Pac and the Democratic Party pledge such Com railroad to the Pacific coast at the earliest period.

Government aid as will insure the construc

the acquisition of the Island of Cuba, on suc shall be honorable to ourselves and just to Sp

Resolved, That Democratic Party are i

Resolved, That the enactments of State Le to defeat the faithful execution of the Fugit Law, are hostile in character, subversive of th

tution, and revolutionary in their effect.

Mr. Bigler moved the previous quest Mr. W. Montgomery (M. C.), of Penns moved to lay Mr. Bigler's motion on t He did not regard as a compromise a tion for a Congressional Slave Code

reopening of the African Slave Trad learning that the adoption of his motio

have the effect of tabling the whole sub withdrew it. A division of the quest called for, and the vote was first taken motion to recommit, which was carried.

151; but the proposition to instruct t mittee was laid on the table, 242 to follows:

YEAS.-Maine, 8; New-Hampshire, 5; Ver Massachusetts, 124; Rhode Island, 4; Connec New-York, 35; Pennsylvania, 8; Delaware, S land, 5; Virginia, 15; North Carolina, 10; Sou lina, 8; Georgia, 10; Florida, 8; Alabama, 9 ana, 6; Mississippi, 7; Texas, 4; Arkansas, 4; 4; Kentucky, 5; Ohio, 23; Indiana, 18; Illin Michigan, 6; Iowa, 4; Minnesota, 4; Californ 242.

NAYS.-Massachusetts,; Connecticut, 1; New

7; Pennsylvania, 15; Maryland, 24; Missouri, nessee, 11; Kentucky, 7; Indiana, 6; Wisco California, ; Oregon, 8-561.

Subsequently, on the same day, Mr.

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from the majority of the Committee on Platform, trict of Columbia. Now, we maintain that Congress has
reported the following:
no right to prohibit or abolish Slavery in the District of
Columbia. Why? Because it is an existing institution.

Resolved, That the platform adopted by the Democratic It becomes the duty of Congress under the Constitution to

party at Cincinnati be affirmed, with the following ex-
planatory Resolutions:

First. That the government of a Territory organized by
an act of Congress, is provisional and temporary; and,
during its existence, all citizens of the United States have
an equal right to settle with their property in the Territory
without their rights, either of person or property, being des-
troyed or impaired by congressional or territorial legislation.
Second. That it is the duty of the Federal Government,
in all its departments, to protect, when necessary, the
rights of persons and property in the Territories, and
wherever else its constitutional authority extends.

Third. That when the settlers in a Territory having an adequate population form a State Constitution, the right of sovereignty commences, and, being consummated by admission into the Union, they stand on an equal footing with the people of other States; and the State thus organized ought to be admitted into the Federal Union, whether its constitution prohibits or recognizes the institution of Slavery.

Fourth. That the Democratic party are in favor of the acquisition of the Island of Cuba, on such terms as shall be honorable to ourselves and just to Spain, at the earliest practicable moment.

Fifth. That the enactments of State legislatures to defeat the faithful execution of the Fugitive Slave Law, are hostile in character, subversive of the Constitution, and revolutionary in their effect.

Sixth. That the Democracy of the United States recognize it as the imperative duty of this Government to protect the naturalized citizen in all his rights, whether at home or in foreign lands, to the same extent as its nativeborn citizens.

Whereas, one of the greatest necessities of the age, in a political, commercial, postal and military point of view, is a speedy communication between the Pacific and Atlantic coasts: Therefore be it

Resolved, That the Democratic party do hereby pledge themselves to use every means in their power to secure the passage of some bill, to the extent of the constitutional authority of Congress, for the construction of a Pacific Railroad, from the Mississippi River to the Pacific Ocean, at the earliest practicable moment.

Mr. Avery took the floor, and spoke at length in favor of his report, and in the course of his remarks said:

I have stated that we demand at the hands of our Northern brethren upon this floor that the great principle which we cherish should be recognized, and in that view I speak the common sentiments of our constituents at home; and I intend no reflection upon those who entertain a different opinion, when I say that the results and ultimate consequences to the Southern States of this confederacy, if the Popular Sovereignty doctrine be adopted as the doctrine of the Democratic party, would be as dangerous and subversive of their rights as the adoption of the principle of Congressional intervention or prohibition. We say that, in a contest for the occupation of the Territories of the United States, the Southern men encumbered with slaves cannot compete with the Emigrant Aid Society at the North. We say that the Emigrant Aid Society can send a voter to one of the Territories of the United States, to determine a question relating to slavery, for the sum of $200, while it would cost the Southern man the sum of $1500. We say, then, that wherever there is competition between the South and North, that the North can and will, at less expense and difficulty, secure power, control and dominion over the Territories of the Federal Government; and if, then, you establish the doctrine that a Territorial Legislature which may be established by Congress in any Territory has the right, directly or indirectly, to affect the institution of Slavery, then you can see that the Legislature by its action, either directly or indirectly, may finally exclude every man from the slaveholding States as effectually as if you had adopted the Wilmot Proviso out

and out.

But we are told that, in advocating the doctrine we now do, we are violating the principles of the Cincinnati platform. They say that the Cincinnati platform is a Popular Sovereignty platform; that it was intended to present and practically enforce that great principle. Now, we who

protect and cherish the right of property in slaves in that
District, because the Constitution does not give them the
power to prohibit or establish Slavery. Every session of
Congress, Northern men, Southern men, men of all par-
ties, are legislating to protect, cherish and uphold the insti-
tution of Slavery in the District of Columbia.

It is said that the Cincinnati platform is ambiguous, and
that we must explain it. At the South, we have main.
tained that it had no ambiguity; that it did not mean
Popular Sovereignty; but our Northern friends say that
it does mean Popular Sovereignty. Now, if we are
going to explain it and to declare its principles, I say
let us either declare them openly, boldly, squarely,
or let us leave it as it is in the Cincinnati Platform. I
want, and we of the South want, no more doubtful plat-
forms upon this or any other question. We desire that
this Convention should take a bold, square stand. What
do the minority of the committee propose? Their solution
is to leave the question to the decision of the Supreme
Court, and agree to abide by any decision that may be
made by that tribunal between the citizens of a Territory
upon the subject. Why, gentlemen of the minority, you
cannot help yourselves. That is no concession to us.
There is no necessity for putting that in the platform, be-
cause I take it for granted that you are all law-abiding
citizens. Every gentleman here from a non-slaveholding
State is a law-abiding citizen; and if he be so, why we
know that when there is a decision of the Supreme Court,
even adverse to his views, he will submit to it.

You say that this is a judicial question. We say that it is not. But if it be a judicial question, it is immaterial to you how the platform is made, because all you will have to say is, "this is a judicial question; the majority of the Convention were of one opinion; I may entertain my own opinion upon the question; let the Supreme Court settle it."

Let us make a platform about which there can be no doubt, so that every man, North and South, may stand side by side on all issues connected with Slavery, and advocate the same principles. That is all we ask. All we demand at your hands is, that there shall be no equivocation and no doubt in the popular mind as to what our principles are.

Mr. H. B. Payne, of Ohio, replied at length,
and, in the course of his argument, said:

The question of Slavery had distracted the Courts and
the party since 1820, and we hoped by the Compromis
measures of 1850, the Kansas law of 1854, and the Plat-
form of 1852 and 1856, that the policy of the Democratic
party was a united and settled policy in respect to Afri-
can slavery.
The Democracy of the North
have, throughout, stood by the South in vindication of
their constitutional rights. For this they claim no
credit. They have simply discharged their constitutional
duty; and, though some Southern Senators may rise in
their places and stigmatize us as unsound and rotten, we
say we have done it in good faith, and we challege contra-
diction. We have supposed that this doctrine of Popular
Sovereignty was a final settlement of the Slavery difficulty.
You so understood it in the South. We are not claiming
anything in our Platform but what the Cincinnati Platform
was admitted to have established.

What was the doctrine of 1856? Non-intervention by
Congress with the question of Slavery, and the submission
of the question of Slavery in the Territories, under the
Constitution, to the People.

It is said that one construction has been given to the
Platform at the South and another at the North. He
could prove from the Congressional debates that from
1850 to 1856 there was not a dissenting opinion expressed
in Congress on this subject.

To show that Squatter Sovereignty had been
generally accepted as the true Democratic doc-
trine, Mr. Payne quoted from eminent Southern
Democratic Statesmen as follows:

FROM A SPEECH OF HON. HOWELL COBB, OF GEORGIA.
"I stand upon a principle. I hold that the will of the
majority of the people of Kansas should decide this
question, and I say here to-night, before this people and

this country, that I, for one, shall abide deci

sion of the people there. I hold to the right of the People
to self-government. I am willing for them to decide this
question."

made this report deny that this is the true construction of
the Cincinnati platform. We of the South say that when
we voted for the Cincinnati platform we understood, from
the fact that the Territories stand in the same position as
the District of Columbia, that non-interference and non-
intervention in the Territories was that same sort of non-
"I would not plant Slavery upon the soil of any por-
interference and non-intervention forbidden in the Dis-tion of God's earth against the will of the people. The

FROM THE SAME.

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