tion. They also had great dreams of reestablishing the empire of Alexander, whom they loudly affirm was a Bulgar. One of their historians has gone so far as to claim that the real name of Alexander's father was Philip Makedonsky.

Towards the end of the last century religious differences were for a while laid aside, and the people of Macedonia pretty generally affiliated with a revolutionary society called the Interior Organization. There is no need to rehearse the horrors of Turkish rule in Macedonia. The unfortunate people had, like the Armenians—and equally in vain -been petitioning the Christian Powers of Europe to come to their aid. The feeling The feeling grew that their only hope was to make a desperate revolt, to shake Europe into intervention, as Greece had done. The Bulgars took the lead in this organization. it was popular with all factions. Greeks soon took fright at the threatened preponderance of the Slavs and became lukewarm. Finally jealousy grew up between the Serbs and Bulgars. The five years of insurrection from 1898 to 1903 failed utterly. The uprising was suppressed with barbaric ferocity, and Europe looked on unmoved.

At first But the

Defeat always results in the ascendency of the most desperate element. The Interior Organization, deserted by the Greeks and Serbs, fell into the hands of desperadoes. Greeks were accused-sometimes with justice -ot betraying Bulgarian revolutionists to the

Turks. The Bulgarian bands retaliated by assassinating Greeks and burning their churches. Serbs, Greeks, Bulgars, worn out by the long struggle, stopped fighting to write books in which they accused each other of every form of treachery and outrage. All were exaggerated, but, unfortunately, all contained some truth. Out of the frenzied debate one fact is quite sure. The boundless ambition of the Greek and Bulgarian nationalists made Balkan unity and Macedonian liberty impossible.

Happily these times are passed. The last few years have seen new ministries in the Balkan States. Here in Greece they affectionately speak of their present Government. as the Common-Sense Ministry." Instead of trying to snatch some advantage from each other, the Balkan nations have been at work quietly and effectively organizing victory.

One of the results is that to-day the Greek flag flies over a larger territory than it ever did in the Golden Age.

The burning question of the future is, Will "common sense" triumph over the nationalist ambitions of the Allies? Common sense will make a compact federation out of the Balkan States, and they will hold all that they have gained in this frightfully expensive war.

But the spirit of nationalism, now that it has done its work, will, if unchecked, ruin every chance of orderly and happy development in the Balkans.

wuided personal pride and amber of the community feel per, according to his temperTohe wen particular person. ole wooner on the part of the Engpay ulur nation would produce no Helchte at seriousness in the After nations pass a ceri thi nae to greatness abuse ko, tuledar pala nd other countries may make Countering the abuse unpopular,

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thai no effect upon the nation gdala 1 Between 1820 and 1850, Paited States was still struggling Hea bags of nation building, when all for 1, a wilderness and its pioneers Fa but the frontier westward with a pabubul effort, this unmeasured 4 ape criticism, whether just redeply tell. That it had an imbedructive effect u on Ameriww of the manner in which the admustered, may well be Fed me making them angry and in com Pagland, and causing all the friendly eyes of preferFor other nation, it was Fal In the relations of two geabort the same language had by the same political principles. apprend ta book upon in the

cold light of half a century later; yet I think, if rightly considered, it is not without its lesson, not only to those concerned, but to all who wish to maintain good relations among the nations of the earth.

During this same period, which may be called, as I have said, the period of the commentators and the critics, certain events occurred of a much more immediately serious nature, which brought the two countries to the verge of war. In the nature of things, we were certain to have many more matters of difference with Great Britain than with any other country, because her provinces la 7 to the north of the United States and f... nished a common boundary line three thousand miles in length. What was much worse was the fact that this boundary line was left largely unsettled by the treaties of 1818 and 1827. One of the three treaties of 1827 provided for arbitration as to the northeast boundary, and the question was referred to the King of Holland as arbitrator. In 1831 the King rendered a decision, but as he really decided only two points and merely expressed an opinion on all the others, his award was rejected by the United States on the ground that it was not a decision of the questions submitted. Thus the entire matter was left open, and serious troubles soon began to arise on the northeastern boundary between the people of Maine on the one side and those of the adjoining British provinces on the other. An American surveyor was arrested. The State of Maine appropriated money and sent a force of men in Aroostook County to the border. There were similar difficultiez na Madawaska. The English Governm postponed action, and the question began to assume a very angry and threatening appearance. Meanwhile another disturbance broke out along the New York and Vermont frontiers. There had

been a rebellion in Canada against the bad government of that day, and the defeated patriots took refuge in the United States, where they met with a cordial reception. Considerable bodies of volunteers were raised. Secret organizations were formed to support the rebellious Canadians, a party of whom, under the leadership of William McKenzie, seized Navy Island, in the Niagara River, and fortified it. The authorities in Canada despatched Colonel McNab to guard the frontier against this invasion, and McNab sent out a party who seized and burned the steamer Caroline, which had been used to convey volunteers and munitions of war to Navy Island. The destruction of the Caroline took place at Fort Schlosser, on American territory, and was, of course, a gross volation of the sovereignty of the United States. The Government of the United States and the State governments behaved with entire propriety and broke up and checked, so far as they could, the movements of the patriots and their sympathizers. Nevertheless, acts of violence continued on both sides. A party of refugees in the Thousand Islands crossed to the Canadian side and burned the steamer Sir Robert Peel as a setoff for the Caroline, while the American steamer Telegraph was fired upon. It would require a volume of reasonable size to give a history of these border troubles, which are not without much human interest, but which have all fallen quite dim now, and which are hardly remembered except by the historian. In a brief review of the relations of England and the United States during one hundred years it is impossible to do more than allude to them. It must suffice to say here that the whole border from Maine to Michigan was not only disturbed, but in a most inflamed and explosive condition. It was just one of those situations where war might have been precipitated at any moment by reckless men who were quarreling over the possession of land and where a rebellion existed in one country which excited warm sympathy in the other. In addition, a case arose, growing out of the destruction of the Caroline, which aroused animosities even more than the actual troubles along the border. An American named Darice had been shot and killed on the Carine. Two years later a Canadian named Alexander McLeod came down from Canada and while he was drunk bragged of having himself killed Durfee. He was, of course, arrested, although it was afterwards shown

that he had not been present at the destruction of the Caroline. But on his own admission it was perfectly proper to arrest him. The crime had been committed on American soil and McLeod had confessed himself to be the guilty man, yet none the less the English Government flew into a grea rage and undertook to interfere with the action of the courts. Not content with this. it also saw fit to offer its advice in regard to the case of the Amistad, a Spanish vessel which had been seized by the slaves which she was carrying and had been run ashore at Long Island, where she was taken possession of by the Government. There was a very serious question as to what was to be done with the Negroes, but no part of the question concerned England the least in the world, and her benevolent advice, coming just at that moment, was deeply resented. In this condition of public sentiment, with England on the edge of declaring war on account of McLeod, and with the popular feeling in the United States greatly excited by the border troubles and the case of the Amistad, the Democrats went out of power and the Whigs came in, with Mr. Webster as Secretary of State. The situation was one of extreme and dangerous complexity. The British having avowed the destruction of the Caroline to be a governmental act, it was obvious that McLeod could not properly be held, but his case was in the State courts of New York, over the proceedings of which the United States had no control. Mr. Webster endeavored to secure the discharge of McLeod, but in vain, and the New York courts refused to grant a writ of habeas corpus. On the other side, Mr. Fox, the British Minister, saw fit to adopt a most offensive tone, which Mr. Webster was the last man in the world to submit to tamely. He took a firm attitude with England, while suggesting privately that negotiations should be opened for establishing a conventional northeastern line, and, as has just been said, he used his best efforts to secure the discharge of McLeod. This perilous situation was fortunately relieved by two incidents which came to pass outside the efforts of the Government. McLeod was acquitted at Utica by the simple process of proving an alibi; and the Whigs were beaten in England, an event which made Lord Aberdeen Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs in place of Lord Palmerston. has usually happened since the War of 1812. we fared much better with a Tory or Conservative administration than we did with the

As

in Congress. As a rule, such bills have been quietly allowed to smother in committee.

Now at last, however, there is such a bill which has passed the committee stage and is before Congress itself. It is a bill called by the names of the introducers of it into the House and Senate respectively-the Sheppard-Kenyon Bill. As it has been reported to the Senate, it contains two provisions. The first prohibits transportation in interState commerce of liquor into any State if it can be shown that that liquor is to be used in violation of the law of that State. The second provides that such liquor, if transported into and remaining in a State, shall upon the arrival within its boundaries and before delivery to the consignee be subjected to the laws of that State enacted in the exercise of its reserved police powers, just as if that liquor had been produced within the State.

During the course of hearings on this bill there were many arguments offered pro and con.

A great deal of the argument was devoted, on the one side, to expressions strongly favorable to prohibitory laws, and on the other side to expressions strongly favorable to that view of personal liberty that opposes prohibitory laws. Of course neither of these arguments were really pertinent to the bill. The real question is not whether State prohibition laws are desirable, but whether, even if they are not desirable, the Federal Government should or refrain from interference with the enforcement of those laws.

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This is practically a Constitutional question. Of course there are some so strongly opposed to prohibition that they desire the Federal Government to do all that it Constitutionally can to enable people to traffic in liquor even within prohibition States. Such people, even if they conceded the Constitutional right of Congress to refrain from interfering with such laws, would argue that the Federal Government ought to continue to interfere so as to minimize what they regard as the evils created by the prohibition laws of the States. the most part, however, the real objection directed against this bill is that it purports to do that which Congress has no Constitutional right to do. Briefly stated, the argument against the bill is that it delegates to the States powers which rightfully can be exercised only by Congress; that it substitutes the will of a State for the will of the Federal Government in the regulation of

For

inter-State commerce. Court decisions have been cited showing that although early in the life of the Nation it was held that States could regulate inter-State commerce in the absence of action by Congress, it is now an accepted Constitutional principle that, in the absence of National regulation of inter-State commerce, there is no regulation at all. Those who argue against the bill concede that Congress can adopt a State law as its own, but that it can do so only with regard to State laws already in existence, and that it cannot give the State Legislatures power of attorney to enact laws instead of Congress for the future.

On the other hand, the argument for the Constitutionality of the law may be briefly put as follows: Congress has full power over inter-State commerce; it has the power to prohibit inter-State commerce in single articles, as, for example, lottery tickets; it has the same power over inter-State commerce that it has over foreign commerce: the same power over inter-State commerce that a Legislature has over commerce within the State. The greater power includes the less. If it can prohibit inter-State commerce in a single article under all circumstances, it can also prohibit inter-State commerce in an article under such circumstances as it may designate. In fact, Congress has already done so in passing the Lacey Game Act, by which it is made unlawful for any person to transport into any State game which has been killed or shipped in violation of the laws of the State in which it was killed or from which it was shipped. It is furthermore pointed out that the Supreme Court has explicitly declared that the regulation of pilots, which is a National matter, may be subjected to the laws of the several States. Still further, it is pointed out that since Congress has the same power over commerce between the States that it has over foreign commerce, and since it has, by a minimum and maximum tariff arrangement, made the regulation of foreign commerce dependent upon the action of foreign countries, so it can make the regulation of interState commerce dependent upon the action of the several States. The bill does not provide any penalty because it does not need to do so. All that it does is to allow liquor transported from one State into another to be subjected to the processes and the penalties of the laws of the State into which it goes. It has been cited as a legal principle that the intent to violate the laws of the State impresses upon

the thing, which is possessed with a view to such a violation, the character of a nuisance.

The Outlook believes that there is a more effective way of controlling and suppressing the evils of the liquor traffic than State prohibition; but the merits of prohibition are not here involved. What is involved is the right of the State to exercise its own judgment as to how it shall deal with the liquor traffic. It seems

but reasonable that the Federal Government should not unnecessarily interfere with the State in carrying out its own will in this respect, and whatever Congress can do to enable the State to enforce its own laws, Congress ought to do. The powers of Congress over inter-State commerce have very few limitations. It ought to exercise that power in co-operation with the States.

T

HE two following letters were written to a friend in America, the first by a lady residing in Constantinople, the second by a Bulgarian young man in Sofia, the capital of Bulgaria. The Arnaoutkeny School mentioned by the first writer is a school for girls in Constantinople which prepares them for the Girls' College. Both the Girls' College and the preparatory school have been in Scutari, on the Asiatic side of the Bosphorus, opposite Constantinople. Comparatively recently land has been bought in Constantinople and the school has been moved, and the college is to be moved as soon as the buildings now in process of construction are completed. Mr. Rockhill, the American Ambassador, counseled Miss Patrick, the President of the college, to bring over the college girls to Constantinople to the Arnaoutkeny School, as a means of protection from possible danger. Miss Patrick complied with his request, but was unwilling to leave the college buildings unprotected, and with one companion remained in them.

The Scorpion is stationed in front of the Arnaoutkeny School, and nine of its marines have come to the College with their firearms. So far everything is quiet. Since Saturday afternoon we have heard the constant firing near Tchataldja, but this morning it is quiet. We have been told that when we hear three sharp cannon shots in quick succession it means to pick up our light baggage and go to whatever place of safety is provided for each nationality. You would laugh to see my room, it looks like a refugee's, for trying to make the packages light of weight. I have done them up in boghdgas and calico bags, and the provisions in strong bags-as we are to take two days' supp s with us.

I was

told yesterday that the three strokes of cannon would mean that the bridges had not been opened according to order and the warships were going to blow them up and we should know the Government had lost control and the foreigners must look out for themselves If only the allies do not enter the city there will be no trouble. It is the maddened, retreating army we fear joined to the rabble. But with all these precautions I do not think our lives are in danger. I shall regret leaving the house, for I can take comparatively little with me, and if the soldiers did not discover the house our dear neighbors, the Dervishes, would have a nice time looting. Catherine has just come this minute to say that eight or ten Red Crescent men just went dashing down the hill and then stopped at the fork here, discussing. We wonder if they are bringing in the wounded over the hill. S. is nursing in the Gulhane hospital and has had some terrible cases there, but she says they are all so grateful. She is a very gentle person, and she says it makes her quiver to see how rough some of the nurses are. One of her soldiers said to her, "If I get well I am going to tell my wife to weave you a rug so thick," showing about 11⁄2 in. on his finger. And another said, “ I have a house in Broosa, and if I get well I shall sell it and give you a nice present." These were not officers but just privates.