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Here Mr. Sumner was called to order by Mr. Richardson, of Illinois, as reflecting on the other House, and the call was sustained by the presiding officer, who said: "It has been practised too often on the part of Senators to allude to the House of Representatives."

MR. SUMNER. I hope I shall proceed in order. I certainly did not intend to proceed out of order. I was not aware that I was making any reflection on the House of Representatives. We criticize very freely each other; the members of one House criticize the proceedings of the other House; and we criticize the country, and the country criticizes us.

Now, Sir, we are told that the House has disposed of the question of taxation. I am in order when I allude to that. May we not hope, then, that, if the session is extended a little longer, they will see the necessity of increased taxation?

He proceeded to develop again the necessity of taxation for the sake of our finances, and especially of the national debt, "to the payment of which the country is pledged."

Mr. Sumner moved to substitute Tuesday, July 5th, at noon, for Monday, July 4th, at noon. This was lost, - Yeas 11, Nays 22. The reso

lution of adjournment was then adopted, Yeas 20, Nays 11.

July 4th, shortly before adjournment at noon, the Senate acted on the House bill imposing a special income tax of five per cent, which was adopted, - Yeas 29, Nays 7.


SEPTEMBER 6, 1864.

AT this meeting Governor Andrew presided and spoke. He was followed by Hon. Alexander H. Rice, Hon. George S. Boutwell, Hon. Henry Wilson, and General Cutler of the Army, when Mr. Sumner was introduced. The report says: "He was received with great cheering and the waving of hats and handkerchiefs for a considerable time.” He at length spoke as follows.



ISTENING to the gallant soldier now taking his seat, I was reminded of the saying from the far East, "Words are the daughters of Earth, but deeds are the sons of Heaven." [Loud applause.] A noble officer comes before you, fresh from the Army of the Potomac; but he gives words also which in themselves are deeds [renewed applause], for he tells you plainly, truly, how to meet the great issue before us. Sir, what has been said so well, so bravely, and so eloquently by the speakers who have addressed you leaves little for me. I have not come to make a speech. The summons was to assemble for congratulation upon those great victories which have given assurance of the integrity of the Union, and I am here for this purpose. [Applause.] each a heavy

We celebrate to-night two victories,

blow, under which the Rebellion reels and staggers to

its final fall. [Cheers.] Admiral Farragut, by a naval expedition incomparable in the hardihood and skill with. which it was planned and executed, has occupied all the approaches of Mobile, so that this important port is now, thank God, hermetically sealed against those English supplies which from the beginning have been the source of encouragement and strength to the Rebellion. [Applause.] General Sherman, on his part, by a marvellous succession of battles and of marches, overcoming obstacles interposed by Nature and a stubborn foe, has shown triumphantly that our army can march and then fight, march and then fight again, and conquer [applause, and "Good !"], while by the capture of Atlanta he has shattered the very key-stone of the Rebel arch. [Renewed applause.] These, fellow-citizens, are the victories we commemorate.

This is a season of joy, not that fellow-citizens in arms against us have been overcome, not that blood is flowing, not that fields and villages and towns are smoking, but that our country is redeemed from peril, and the public enemy is beaten down under our feet. [Long continued applause.] Such is the occasion of rejoicing to-night. Hearts overflow, eyes glisten, the voice cries out with gladness, the heart echoes to the booming cannon, and victory thrills us all with its bewitching, triumphant music. This, Sir, is the time to rejoice for there is a time to lament, and there is a time also to enjoy; and this is a time for joy. "Blow, bugles, blow! set all your wild notes flying!"

Unhappy those who cannot unite in our joy! Unhappy those who, as they listen to the triumphant salvos, to the swelling music, and to these exultant voices here to-night, cannot echo them back with gladness in


their hearts! Unhappy all such, who call themselves by the American name! And why can they not rejoice? Alas! it is because their sympathies are with the enemy, or because they place party above country, even to the extent of seeing that country cut in twain [A voice, "Shame!"], like the false mother who appeared for judgment before Solomon. The wise monarch clearly perceived that a woman ready to see her child divided in two was a false mother: so may we all clearly perceive that people ready to see their country divided in two are false citizens. The judgment of Solomon stands good to this hour, against all showing such perfidious insensibility.

Fellow-citizens, these Northern renegades (I like to call things by their proper names, and I thank my honored friend who preceded me for his exposition, telling how near they come to being traitors) these Northern renegades are nothing else than unarmed guerrilla bands of Jefferson Davis, marauding here at the North. [Loud cheers.] They cry out, "Peace!"-but, fellow-citizens, are we not all for peace? Sir, are you not for peace? Are not all the honored gentlemen by whom I am surrounded for peace? Peace is the sentiment, the longing, the passion of my life. Not Falkland in the bloody days of the English civil war cried, "Peace! Peace!" more fervently than I do now. For me the day begins, continues, and ends with this aspiration; but it is precisely because I am thus determined for peace, because peace is with me such a be-all and end-all, that I now insist, at all hazards, that this Rebellion shall be overthrown and trampled out at once and utterly, so that it shall never again break forth in blood. [Loud cheers] In the name of peace, and for the sake of

good-will among men, do I now insist that this Rebellion shall be so completely blasted as to leave behind no root or remnant which may become the germ of future war.

Fellow-citizens, let me be frank, for such is my habit, here, or wherever else I have the honor to speak. In vain do you expect to destroy the Rebellion, unless you destroy Slavery [applause]; for Slavery, be assured, is but another name for the Rebellion. The two are synonyms; they are convertible terms. The Rebellion is but Slavery in arms, whether on land or on sea; on foot, on horseback, or afloat, it is ever belligerent Slavery, warring to establish a wicked empire. If you are against one, you must be against the other. If you are ready to strike Rebellion, you must be ready to strike Slavery. If you are ready to strike Slavery, you must be ready to strike Rebellion. The President was clearly right, when, in a recent letter, he declared that he should accept no terms of peace which did not begin with the abandonment of Slavery. ["Good!" and cheers.] The Union cannot live with Slavery. Nothing can be clearer. If Slavery dies, the Union lives; if Slavery lives, the Union dies. God save the Union!

And now, fellow-citizens, it only remains that you should comprehend the grandeur of the cause and of your position. Consider well the Thermopyla pass in which you stand battling for Liberty, not only here at home, but everywhere throughout the globe; and forget not, that, if you take care of Liberty, the Union will take care of itself, or, better still, know, that, if you save Liberty, you save everything. [Loud cheers.]

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