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of caste, and born before its time, rickety, unformed, unfinished, whose continued existence will be a burden, a reproach, and a wrong. That is the whole case; and yet the Senator from Illinois now presses it upon the Senate, to the exclusion of the important public business of the country. For instance,

Here Mr. Sherman insisted on confining the debate to the pending motion. The vote was then taken, and resulted, Yeas 34, Nays 12; so the resolution for the admission of Louisiana was postponed, never to be resumed.

During the next Congress, Mr. Sumner urged a bill for the organiza. tion of Louisiana, with safeguards for Equal Rights, including suffrage without distinction of color; but the Senate was not inclined to consider it.

The failure of the Louisiana resolution attracted attention at the time. Some journals spoke of Mr. Sumner's course with severity; others were rejoiced at the result. The New York Herald said: :

"The factious opposition of Mr. Sumner has probably defeated the recog nition of the new government of Louisiana by the Senate at the present session, . . . . although probably two thirds of the Senate are in favor of recognition."

One journal said, in figurative language, that Mr. Sumner had "kicked the pet scheme of the President down the marble steps of the Senate Chamber," and that, as a consequence, the intimate relations which he had sustained with the President must cease.

President Lincoln was too good a man to be influenced by an honest opposition on political grounds. A few days later, Mr. Sumner received from him the following note.

"HON. C. SUMNER

"EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, March 5, 1865.

"My dear Sir, I should be pleased for you to accompany us to-morrow evening, at ten o'clock, on a visit of half an hour to the Inaugural Ball. I enclose a ticket. Our carriage will call for you at half past nine.

"Yours truly,

"A. LINCOLN."

At the appointed time the carriage was at Mr. Sumner's lodgings. During the ball he was with the Presidential party, which gave occasion to comment; the New York Herald remarking, "It was presumed that

the President had indorsed his Reconstruction theories." "There is reason to believe that he had not; but he recognized the right of Mr. Sumner to his own individual judgment.

The following extract from the letter of a newspaper correspondent at Washington illustrates the course of the President towards Mr. Sumner.

"Mrs. Lincoln went down the Potomac this morning for City Point and Richmond, escorted by Mr. Sumner, who remains in Washington to exert his influence in the right direction in closing up the war. Nor let any man suppose that Mr. Sumner's influence is slight over this Administration, when Congress is in session. I know of no man who has more. The President disagrees entirely with Mr. Sumner in his views respecting Reconstruction. He was almost indignant at the Senator's course towards Louisiana, adverting to it over and over again in the presence of strangers. But still he respects Mr. Sumner, confers with him, and perhaps fears him. Besides, the Senator has great influence with Mr. Stanton and Mr. Welles. Mr. Sumner is a clever diplomatist, and has always been friendly with Mr. Lincoln. So long as 'peace negotiations' are talked of, Mr. Sumner will not leave Washington but for a day or two, I presume."

The effort of Mr. Sumner on the Louisiana question found a warm and cordial response, as amply appears from letters at the time. Wendell Phillips wrote from Boston :

"Though I have but half an hour at home, I cannot let it pass without thanking you for your gallant fight against Louisiana. Your tireless patience in carrying in detail one point after another of the enemy's defences, all winter long, has not passed without our grateful admiration; the masterly strategy of the last week is the grand and fitting climax,- all the more grateful, because we had been told you felt the resistance so hopeless as to fear you must succumb to the dictation of the Cabinet. We have watched your white plume with fearful delight. Could we only hope this defeat would be final, our joy would be unmixed. At any rate, the effort will bear fruit thousand-fold."

Hon. Francis W. Bird wrote from Boston: --

"Let me thank you most heartily for your gallant fight against Louisiana. I hope it will be powerful to the end. I can see it was against fearful odds, and all the more splendid.”

Dr. Estes Howe wrote from Cambridge:

"I don't trouble you much with letters, but I must thank and congratulate you most warmly on your splendid fight and great victory in the Bogus Louisiana struggle. Some weak-kneed Republicans who rejoice at the result

did not know at first whether to rejoice or not, when they saw what tools you had to work with; but your true friends, who have their eyes open, are full of joy, and all the rest will fall into line as soon as the great truth becomes apparent to them."

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"God bless you a thousand times for your indomitable resistance to the admission of Louisiana with her caste system! This afternoon some forty gentlemen dined at Bird's room, and all, nemine dissentiente, approved it, and with full praise."

Joel P. Bishop, the learned law-writer, and author of a much used work on Criminal Law, wrote from Boston:

"Blessings on you! You have done in this Louisiana matter an excellent work, for which some of your friends thank you less now than they will by-and-by."

Hon. Charles W. Slack, an Antislavery journalist, wrote from Boston:

"Thanks!-hearty, cordial, continued thanks!- for your brave and persistent opposition to Louisiana.

"There is a very much larger share of the community who will sustain you than at first thought may be supposed.

"The idea of negro suffrage in the disloyal States grows daily in favor and advocacy among business men."

William S. Robinson, the journalist, known as "Warrington,"

wrote:

"I cannot sit down to my work this morning, albeit pressed for time, without giving you the homage of my sincere admiration and respect for killing Louisiana, at least pro tempore. Thanks! thanks! thanks!"

General William L. Burt, afterwards Postmaster of Boston, who had served in Louisiana during the Rebellion, wrote:

"I congratulate you upon your defeat of the Louisiana Bill. Your action was not only justifiable, but commendable, doubly so in view of the fact of your concession upon the Reconstruction Bill. . . . . The complaints made by the Administration, or its friends, of the means you took to prevent the fraud upon you and the people, are a compliment, first, to your sagacity, and, secondly, to your skill and ability. You will be vindicated a hundred times before December."

Colonel Albert J. Wright, having great influence in the local politics of Boston, wrote:

"Something must be done in Boston. Some of your admiring friends here, who at first, in the midst of the muddle of telegraphic despatches, had some misgivings in regard to your action on 'Reconstruction' questions before the Senate, have had their eyes opened, and now feel that you have rendered a great service to the country in battling manfully for the rights of humanity, that you have done right, and saved us from a new disaster. Of course we must have a great meeting at the Music Hall, and give you an ovation: nothing less will satisfy us."

F. B. Sanborn wrote from Concord, Massachusetts:

"Allow me to add my congratulations to those of your other friends on your successful opposition to the Louisiana scheme of Reconstruction. I look upon you as the real destroyer of that fine web of intrigue and absurdity so carefully spun."

Henry O. Stone wrote from Framingham, Massachusetts:

"Although an humble and obscure individual, I cannot refrain from thanking you for your persistent resistance to the admission into Congress of the Louisiana claimants. I feel as if you ought to have personal acknowledgment from every one in Massachusetts who can appreciate your just and patriotic motives and wise statesmanship. I know you will be accused of factious opposition to the Administration and the President; but there are those who believe your opposition comes from a desire to do justice, not only to the blacks, but to the poor whites, and to establish the Government upon the only permanent and safe foundation on true democratic principles."

Hon. Adin Thayer wrote from Worcester:

:

"I thank you from the bottom of my heart for your heroic and successful opposition to the Louisiana fraud. Nothing you have ever done better deserves the gratitude of the country and of mankind."

Elizur Wright, one of our earliest Abolitionists, wrote from Bos

ton:

"Your keeping out the sham State of Louisiana is worth, in my estimation, any three average military victories. I would give the United States Treasury half I am worth to have Congress, the next thing it does on the subject, decide black suffrage as the inexorable condition' of readmission."

Rev. A. P. Marvin wrote from Winchendon, Massachusetts:

"I have just risen from reading in the telegraphic despatch of the noble stand made by you in the Senate last night, by which the admission of

Louisiana is staved off for the present. I have often fervently thanked God that you were in your present position, and enabled to do so much to prevent evil and accomplish good, — but never more earnestly than now. I know it must be hard to withstand so many of the supporters of the Administration, but the battle must be fought on the very question involved in this measure. It will not only be wicked and infamous, but suicidal, for us to let the greater part of the rank and file of the Rebels come back and be voters, while we exclude our colored countrymen. I hope strength will be given to you, according to your day; as to your zeal, courage, ability, and prudence, nothing is wanting."

Rev. George C. Beckwith, Secretary of the American Peace Society, wrote from Boston:

"I have just been reading, with my wife, some account of your course on the Louisiana question; and we can't help sending you our thanks for your persistent efforts to avert the very possible evils likely to come from a wrong decision in this case. God grant you success in preventing here a precedent that may lead to irretrievable mischief!"

Rev. George B. Cheever, the constant Abolitionist, wrote from New York:

ment.

"Permit me the pleasure of congratulating you on the firm and noble stand you are maintaining in the Senate for the rights of loyal men in Louisiana, irrespective of color, and for the prerogative of Congress, as well as its obligation, to settle the government of that State as a republican governYour efforts are so much the more admirable and important as they are opposed by mistaken Senators, such as Trumbull and Doolittle, and by some of our editors, as of the Times. The heart of the country goes with you, not with your opponents. It would be a terrible disaster to have the precedent set of a State readmitted to the Union with the sacrifice of the rights of the blacks. Your resolutions of Saturday, as well as the amendment you proposed, were admirable. The victory will be worth everything, if you can carry something of that kind."

A. P. Hayden wrote from New York :

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"I cannot let this opportunity pass of thanking you for the manner in which you have stood by the colored people of Louisiana, - almost the only out-and-out Loyalists of that State. I agree with you that any settlement of the question that will not put the ballot into their hands will create mischief that will take a long time to remedy. When I read in this morning's Tribune of the vote to postpone the Louisiana matter until December, I felt as if a great moral as well as political battle had been won by our side."

Dr. J. B. Smith, giving expression to the feelings of colored citizens in a letter from Boston, said :

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