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all safeguards for the future. In haste to welcome Senators from Rebel States, do not forget everything else: do not forget the principles of republican institutions, offended by the rule of a minority; do not forget the principles of justice among the States, shocked by admission of the fraction of a Rebel State to equality of power with loyal States; do not forget the disturbed condition of the Rebel States, rendering the civil authorities subordinate to the military; do not forget the necessity of a connecting link of legality between the old and the new; do not forget that commercial intercourse must be restored, and every ban of proclamation or statute removed, before representation can be allowed; and, still further, do not forget that the Rebel States, by their own acts, sustained by bloody war, have voluntarily placed themselves outside the pale of political association, until Congress shall recognize them again entitled to their original equality; but, above all, do not forget that there can be no recognition of a Rebel State, until its permanent tranquillity is assured by irreversible guaranties which no local power can disturb. Keep these things in mind, and then make haste.
Of course, when within the confines of a State the Rebellion is triumphantly subdued, and the great body of the people manifest an unmistakable loyalty, -when local elections are held according to ordinary municipal forms, when laws, and not arms, prevail, -and when a government, republican in fact as in name, making Slavery forever impossible, under any form or pretence, is permanently established, then will Congress, by proper legislative action, rejoice to welcome the newly constituted State to its equal share
in the National Government. But such welcome must not be precipitate. It can be offered only after most careful inquiry into the actual condition of things, and the assured conviction that the Rebel State has been newly constituted in fact as in name. And this caution is needed, not only for the good of the Union, but for the good of the State itself, which must be saved from premature responsibilities beyond the measure of its present powers.
Sir, it is much to be a State in full fellowship and equality with other States represented in these two Chambers, with a voice in the election of President and Vice-President, and with a star on the national flag. To be admitted into such prerogatives and privileges, a State must be "above suspicion," and it must be able to use well all the great powers belonging to the State. But if a State is not yet “above suspicion," and is not strong enough to stand alone, even against domestic disturbers, it cannot expect immediate recognition. It must wait yet a little longer, until, restored at last in character and in strength, it can do all the duties of a State, and with master-hand grasp that Ulyssean bow which pretenders strive in vain to bend.
Mr. President, I conclude as I began, with my heart's gratitude to those brave citizens who again in Arkansas lift the national banner. Let them not be disheartened. Their country is with them in all their perils and all their efforts, longing to receive them again into ancient fellowship and equality; but the time for this welcome has not yet come. Meanwhile let them remember that "they also serve who only stand and wait."
A debate ensued, in which Mr. Reverdy Johnson replied to Mr. Sumner. Mr. Wade moved that the joint resolution lie on the table, which was lost, - Yeas 5, Nays 32. On motion of Mr. Lane it was referred to the Committee on the Judiciary, together with the credentials of Hon. William M. Fishback and Hon. Elisha Baxter. At the same time, on motion of Mr. Sumner, his resolution on the conditions of Reconstruction 1 was referred to the same Committee.
June 27th, Mr. Trumbull, from the Committee, reported adversely on all these references.
1 Ante, Vol. VIII. p. 470.
MEANS FOR THE WAR THE TRUE OBJECT OF THE TARIFF.
REMARKS IN THE SENATE, ON AN AMENDMENT TO THE TARIFF BILL, JUNE 16, 1864.
JUNE 16th, the Tariff Bill being under consideration, and Mr. Pomeroy, of Kansas, moving to reduce the duty on railroad iron from seventy cents to sixty cents per hundred pounds, Mr. Sumner said :--
R. PRESIDENT,- I am reluctant to think that we are legislating for a long number of years. Indeed, I regard what we are now doing as temporary or provisional. It is to meet the exigency of the hour; and on this account precisely I am ready to follow the Chairman of the Committee on Finance, in opposing the proposition of the Senator from Kansas.
Here I repeat, Sir, what I have said very often on this floor since the Rebellion began, that there is one rule which I always follow, and, by the blessing of God, will follow to the end. It is this: show me how I can best contribute to the resources of my country, enabling it to reach the end we all desire, and I shall vote for it. At this moment I know no way in which I can contribute more than by adding to the financial strength. Show me how I can most surely secure means to carry on the war and obtain its successful close, and I shall vote for it. If, therefore, by a tax at seventy cents I can prom