venture to assert, appealing to the authority of the best-informed travellers, that the late illustrious Emperor Nicholas did more for the progress of Christianity, civilization, and liberty, during his reign, than Great Britain, and France, and Turkey, and Austria have done in a hundred years. If the Czar is despotic, it is clear it is in the affections of his subjects; that he reigns over their minds as well as their bodies; and sixty or seventy millions of people, though they may not be so enlightened as the refined populace of London, Paris, Vienna, or Constantinople, have a clear right to judge for themselves in a case where they alone are concerned. In one last word; Russia is the natural ally of the United States, the great counterpoise to the weight of a combination whose avowed policy is hostile to their interests, and as such has a legitimate claim at least to our good wishes, while standing alone in the world fighting the battles of the West in the East.

In sympathizing with the present weakness and impending fate of the Ottoman Empire, it might be well to ask ourselves whether its fall should be a subject of regret or commiseration. We are far from any intention of adding fuel to the fires of bigotry and intolerance; for we have too much of this already among us. But let us cast a brief glance at the history of the rise and progress of Islamism, and the Empire of the Crescent. It originated in imposture, and was exclusively propagated by the sword. The instruments of its extension were a horde of barbarians, issuing from no one knows where, and who, adopting the creed of Mohammed, from pagans became fanatics. Wherever they went, they carried with them fire, sword, desolation, bigotry, and intolerance; and the only alternative of conquered nations was, "the Koran, tribute, or death." Their ravages extended over the most populous and fertile regions of Asia, which have long been deserted and desolate; and their government is that of the worst species of despotism, combining within itself that of both Church and State, and pleading the sanction of Heaven to the unbridled excesses of an uncontrolled will. Both theoretically and practically, the Sultan is absolute master of the lives and property of all his subjects, from the Grand Vizier to the peasant, and the bowstring and confiscation are the ordinary modes of getting rid of an obnoxious slave and of replenishing his purse.

A large portion of his immense empire is without government and without protection, roamed by wandering tribes of robbers and freebooters; and no stranger, especially if a Christian, can venture to set foot in the country without almost

a certainty of losing his property, if not his life. Throughout all Asia Minor, in Syria, Egypt, Armenia, Kurdistan, Mesopotamia, and even in the very province of which Constantinople is the capital, all travellers agree in stating from their own experience, that, without a firman from the Sultan, the protection of a caravan, or an escort of turbans, no stranger or traveller is safe from insults, plunder, violence, and often massacre, even in the near neighborhood of cities.

The late Sultan Mahmoud, had he reigned a century or two sooner, might possibly have at least arrested the falling ruins of his empire; for, considering the disadvantages under which he labored, he was a remarkable, in fact, a great man, such as has often resuscitated empires. But the patient was dying before he took him in hand. There was no foundation to build upon, and the remedies he administered only hastened the catastrophe he was laboring to avert, by demolishing a structure there were not materials for re-building. The Osmanlis were worn out; the sword of Islamism was broken; and that period in the decline of nations had come when it is impossible to reconstruct a new edifice, because there is neither foundation nor materials. In such a state of things, reform is out of the ques tion, and there is no remedy but revolution. The present Sultan seems of a gentle, amiable disposition; but he is not the man to carry out the contemplated reforms of his predecessor. He is a mere tool in the hands of Lord Redcliffe and the French Minister, and, with the best intentions, is utterly powerless in enforcing his own edicts outside the seraglio. Turkey can not be regenerated except by revolution. She must reap the harvest sown by long ages of usurpation, persecution, and violence; and, from being, for ages past, the oppressor of the Christian race, at length presents another example of retributive justice in becoming the football of Christian monarchs. While undergoing this process, the present inhabitants of Turkey may experience a series of severe suffering; but let us hope their posterity may reap the benefit. It is the lot of man to earn his bread by the sweat of his brow; and it seems equally his des tiny to purchase future happiness by many sacrifices of the present. For every luxury in the banquet of life we must pay the price; and, as liberty is one of the greatest of these, it is always dearly bought. Let us, then, leave Turkey to its fate, with the assurance that, like all the nations of the earth, she is in the hands of an all-wise Being, who overrules the actions of men, and who alone foresees their consequences.

THE WRITINGS OF THOMAS JEFFERSON.*

THE second name in the list of that great and glorious band of patriots, to whom the United States of America owe that independence which was paid for and purchased with self-sacrifice and blood, is perhaps his, whose collected writings have induced us to pen the present article. Yet, amidst what a sublime galaxy of talent and integrity is that name to be found. We confess that we know of no period, either in ancient or modern history, which is so signalized by such a numerous and august presence. The European may accuse us of what is too often denominated our national vanity as we say this. We can not help it. To this period, and that race of men-our ancestors— we recur with pride. We extend our hand toward them. We say, these were giants in honor, integrity, and in genius. With a proud and fearless spirit, we ask the world what race of men they propose to parallel with such men as these?

Perhaps a quicker blood and a more personal and grasping ambition starred the age which had begotten Napoleon, with a more vivid and impulsive action. Around the Macedonian Alexander were gathered a more brilliant military, but a far less scrupulous class of intelligence. A darker and more secretly subtle-even did we grant it to have been as patriotic and honest-feeling encircled the English Cromwell. Stains, and dark and blemishing stains, too, rest upon each of these epochs. What other of the greater periods in the history of the Old World is there which may, for a single moment, be reckoned against that time in our annals, with which the name of THOMAS JEFFERSON is so indissolubly united by the gratitude

The Writings of Thomas Jefferson. Published by the order of the Joint Committee of Congress on the Library, from the Original Manuscripts deposited in the Department of State. Edited by H. A. Washington. Published by John C. Riker, 129 Fulton street, New-York.