freedom and equality prevailed, and even slaves were permitted to criticise and ridicule their masters, it might fairly be inferred from these expressions that the orgies by which the Irish courts of justice had been distinguished were opportunities mercifully afforded to the downtrodden Celt for venting his spleen against the oppressor. But that was clearly not the meaning of Mr. Robert Tyler, whose classical knowledge was probably less than his undying hatred of England.

The incident would hardly be worthy of permanent historical record, if it might not be taken as a sign of the growing influence of the Irish element over the politics of the United States. Since 1838, a large number of Irish emigrants, of the poorest and most ignorant orders, had settled in America, where in earlier years others had preceded them. These men, after a residence of five years in their adopted country, and at a trifling expense, could obtain all the privileges of native citizens, including the right of voting. Many availed themselves of this advantage, and the Irish vote

has become a matter of great importance to active or intriguing politicians, for the whole mass leans one way, and can often turn the scale for or against a candidate. Of course the Irish vote can be obtained only by flattering Irish ideas, and indulging in the wildest declamation against England. The better class of American politicians have always scorned and detested these ignoble arts, and, apart from political ends, the Irish in America are not liked. But by 1843 they had developed into a political power in the United States, and the unscrupulous courted them, as they would have courted any other agency that could promote their In that year, Ireland was on the verge of rebellion, owing to the Repeal agitation of Daniel O'Connell; and Mr. Robert Tyler thought he could not do better than encourage the revolt. The Irish in America have ever since then been one of the moving forces of the Federal Republic, and their strength has been seen in hundreds of intemperate speeches, of which Mr. Robert Tyler's was among the earliest instances.

views.

MEXICO and the United States were about to come into collision, and the chief cause of quarrel was Texas. The province so called was originally a portion of that Mexican Empire which was subdued by Cortes. It lies to the north-east of the other parts of Mexico, and is a solid block of territory, seven hundred miles in length from north to south, and eight hundred miles broad, where the land is at its widest. So immense is this region that its area has been estimated at nearly equal to the united areas of Great Britain and France. So fertile is its soil that it will produce everything which will grow in the temperate zone, with many things which require a semi-tropical country for their due develop

north-westerly direction, for ten or twelve miles. This is followed by a gently-rising plain, in some places thickly shadowed with timber-trees, in others rolling out into great waves of prairie. Then the land breaks into gentle undulations, throws up hills of more or less altitude, grows barren of trees, but rich in grassy verdure, and, stretching onward and upward into the savage and little-known west, where the hunter and the colonist have scarcely yet dispossessed the wandering Indians and the creatures of the desert, ends in great ranges of mountains, from the valleys of which well forth the inexhaustible waters of numerous rivers. The agricultural capabilities of the country are magnificent, while beneath the surface are mines of metal and of coal, quarries of stone, and abundance of those minerals which add to the wealth of States.

1843.]

Such a territory had many attractions for the adventurous and speculative, and more than one European nation desired to obtain possession of it. After the fall of Montezuma, in 1521, it was nominally a part of the Spanish realm, but, being remote from the Mexican capital, was not peopled by the conquerors. The French, who claimed priority of discovery, formed a settlement at Matagorda, but were expelled by the Spaniards in the latter part of the seventeenth century. After the rising of the Mexicans against the dominion of the mother country, Texas became a province of the Mexican Republic; but it was not long to remain in that position. A more energetic race than the descendants of Spaniards and Indians was predestined to its inheritance.

Between the Anglo-Americans and the HispanoAmericans there had never been any real sympathy. When the latter were fighting for emancipation from European rule, a certain delusive enthusiasm for them was reflected from the days of Northern America's own struggle for freedom, and it was made a point of patriotism to prophesy great things of their future. It was considered that the cause of Republicanism against Monarchy was involved; and the Monroe Doctrine, to the effect that the European Powers should as much as possible be excluded from the Western Continent, gave sharpness and intensity to a sentiment which might otherwise have lost itself in vague diffusion. But there could be no great community of feeling between the virile descendants of British and other northern races, for the most part Protestant in their religion, and the listless, priest-ridden, barbarian half-breeds who peopled the lands which Columbus and his contemporaries discovered, and the swords of Cortes and Pizarro reduced to subjection. The vigour of these Mexicans and Peruvians, with their fellows of other southern lands, was seen only in wild outbreaks and tameless ferocity-in spasmodic action and declamatory speech. Liberty with them degenerated at once into anarchy, and the very word Republicanism was dishonoured by such associations. With the Mexicans, a collision was more likely to result than with any of the other States, because of their proximity to the Americans of English origin. To the latter, Mexico was a land of splendid capabilities, wasted by being thrown into the hands of a set of degenerate mongrels, who knew not how to govern or to fight, to trade or to colonise. The superior race was irritated by the incapacity of the inferior, and spoke in the language of contempt and abhorrence. With this emotion-not unnatural, nor in itself discreditable-was mixed up a good deal of

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mere cupidity and disregard of other people's rights. The citizens of the United States coveted that northern part of Mexico called Texas, and began by degrees to spread themselves over it.

Texas was in the first instance claimed by the American Government as a part of Louisiana, but the claim was in 1819 abandoned in favour of Mexico. Nevertheless, in 1821 and the following year, a colony from the United States made a settlement on both sides of the river Colorado, in what was then Mexican territory, and the local Government, not foreseeing that such a movement was likely to prove their own ruin, encouraged emigration. Numbers flowed into the province, and in 1833 ten thousand Americans were domiciled there. It is probable enough that they disliked Mexican rule, with its alternations of imbecility and military dictatorship; they certainly desired to establish a separate Government, and ultimately to transfer Texas to the American Union; and secret preparations were made for a revolt. The leader of these movements was General Sam Houston, a man who had already served in Congress, and been Governor of the State of Tennessee, and who as early as 1830 mentioned at Washington to a certain Dr. Robert Mayo that he had in his mind a grand project for wresting Texas from Mexico, and setting her up as an independent Republic. Dr. Mayo treacherously revealed the secret to President Jackson, who was obliged to express an official disapproval of the plan, but who unquestionably applauded it in his heart.* The very similar scheme of Aaron Burr, in 1805-6, was for awhile supported by Jackson, who always desired to see an extension of the country in that direction, although he had assented to the treaty of 1819, which relinquished Texas in consideration of gaining Florida.

It was part of Houston's project to assume the Indian costume, habits, and associations; to settle among the savages in the neighbourhood of Texas; to obtain their co-operation, together with recruits from all parts of the Union; and to bring his reinforcements down the Mississippi in steamboats which had been chartered for the purpose. When the time came for carrying the plot into execution,, no real hindrance was put in the way of the adventurers by the Administration of General Jackson. Hostilities broke out in 1835. Every nerve was strained by the Mexican Government to suppress the rising; but it spread with alarming rapidity, and several battles ensued, some of which were obstinate and sanguinary. On the 2nd of

from that Republic and the Secretary of State. In these documents, the Mexican Government so far anticipated all discussion on the question at issue as to announce its determination to meet any resolution for the annexation of Texas by a declaration of war. Alluding to the predatory border warfare which the Mexicans had waged against the Texans since the defeat of Santa Anna in 1836, the President alleged that on one occasion these raids had been attended by the breaking up of the courts of justice, by the seizure of the judges, jury, and officers of the court, and by their forcible detention in Mexican prisons, together with a number of unarmed and non-combatant citizens. "Considering," observed Mr. Tyler, "that Texas is separated from the United States by a mere geographical line, that her territory, in the opinion of many, formed a portion of the territory of the United States, that it is homogeneous in its population and pursuits with the adjoining States, makes contributions to the commerce of the world in the same articles with them, and that most of her inhabitants have been citizens of the United States, speak the same language, and live under similar political institutions with ourselves, this Government is bound by every consideration of interest, as well as of sympathy, to see that she shall be left free to act, especially in regard to her domestic affairs, unawed by force, and unrestrained by the policy or views of other countries." The Government of Mexico was therefore plainly told that it was high time this irregular warfare were brought to a close; that, as the attempt to reduce Texas to submission had clearly failed, it should no longer be persisted in, but that Mexico should imitate the example of Great Britain in recognising the independence of the United States when the futility of further contest had become evident. The independence of Texas had long since been acknowledged by the United States, and that province would in any case be treated as entirely separate from Mexico. Before dismissing this subject, the President mentioned, as another grievance against the Mexican Government, that all foreigners had recently been forbidden to carry on business by retail within the territory of the Republic.

Opinion in the United States was by no means undivided on the subject of adopting Texas. By most people in the Southern States such a step was indeed greatly desired; but a large party at the North warmly protested against the proposed annexation, on the grounds that it would be unjust towards Mexico, that it would lead to a war with that country, and that it would strengthen and perpetuate slavery, by adding another slave-holding

State to the Senate. The last reason was probably the one which had the greatest influence, for the Abolitionist agitation had by this time acquired considerable force. What may be called the anti-Texan view of the subject was very ably and eloquently expressed by the celebrated Unitarian minister, William Ellery Channing, in a long letter, dated the 1st of August, 1837, which he addressed to Mr. Clay, and which is printed among his works.* By this writer it was affirmed that the American colonists in Texas entered that country under certain distinct conditions, which they promised to respect, but which they seized the first opportunity of violating. They swore allegiance to the Government, and soon afterwards engaged in plots against it. They undertook to observe the laws which they found established, but broke or evaded them in many instances, especially those having relation to the revenue and to the exclusion of slaves. They promised to adopt the Roman Catholic faith, yet they had introduced Protestantism, and now complained of persecution, though in fact no persecution whatever had taken place. Many of the grievances alleged by the Texans were described by Dr. Channing as purely fanciful, and he ridiculed the idea that so small a number of people about twenty thousand, including women and children, at the breaking out of the rebellionhad any right to detach a large province from the rest of a State, and set up an independent sovereignty which they could have no power to maintain. A great many even of the Anglo-Americans in Texas had been opposed to violent change, and the declaration of independence, according to a writer quoted by Dr. Channing, was adopted by not more than ninety persons, representing none but themselves. Slavery and fraud, it was argued, lay at the root of Texan risings and Texan sympathies. Land-speculators and slave-holders had been foremost to engage in the crusade. Of the Texan army of eight hundred which defeated Santa Anna, only fifty were natives of the province. The attack was piratical, and the United States were asked to accept the prize thus dishonestly won.

It cannot be doubted that there was a vast amount of truth in Dr. Channing's remarks. Whatever the vices of the Mexican Government, it was supplanted in Texas by one which, though superior in energy, stood even lower on the moral ground. Mexico prohibited slavery; the Americans who settled in Texas brought slaves with them from the neighbouring States, and adopted every art and

* People's Edition of the Entire Works of W. E. Channing, D.D. Belfast, 1843. Vol. I., pp. 288-327.