vote. It seemed evident to the Virginian politicians that, if they hesitated any longer about joining the Southern Confederation, they would be regarded as its enemies, and would be compelled to share whatever misfortunes might be in store for the Union. This consideration, and the natural desire of a slave-holding State to go with other slave-holders, rather than to remain with those who questioned the principle of human bondage, determined the rulers of the Old Dominion in the course they should take. A committee of the convention, the principal member of which was John Tyler, formerly President of the United States, negotiated and signed, on the 24th of April, an agreement between the Commonwealth of Virginia and the Confederate States of America, which provided that, until the union of Virginia with the league should be perfected, the whole military force of the former, whether for offensive or defensive purposes, should be under the chief control and direction of Jefferson Davis. The full convention ratified this treaty on the following day, and likewise adopted the Constitution of the Confederate States. At the same time, it was resolved to make preparations for war, to appoint delegates to the Confederate Congress, and to invite Jefferson Davis to make Richmond the head-quarters of the new Government. In due course, the vote of the people was taken on the Ordinance of Secession; but it was conducted in such a way as to make the decision of little value. Terrorism prevailed through the greater part of the State. The voting, according to Virginian custom, was open, instead of by ballot; and many Union men were too much intimidated to use their constitutional privilege. The poll was held on the 23rd of May, when 125,950 votes appeared for Secession, and 20,373 against it.

In North-western Virginia, however, the Union feeling was so strong that, as we shall presently see, a separate convention was held, and steps were taken for the formation of a distinct State, on Free Labour principles, and in association with the Union.

North Carolina could hardly have remained faithful to the old Government with seceding States on both her flanks. Governor Ellis was already exceedingly well disposed to join the Confederates, and the Militia Proclamation of President Lincoln gave him a pretext. An extraordinary session of the Legislature had been summoned for the 1st of May, and the members, when they met, authorised the holding of a convention to consider the future position of the State. The convention assembled on the 20th of May, and at once adopted an Ordinance of Secession by a unanimous vote.

Military preparations on a large scale were immediately begun; the national forts on the coast, the Mint at Charlotte, and the Government Arsenal at Fayetteville, were seized; and the whole State appeared in panoply of war. Tennessee was shortly afterwards declared to be out of the Union, without any convention being summoned. The Legislature, on the 1st of May, authorised the Governor to enter into a military league with the Confederate States; and on the 7th the two Houses issued a declaration of independence, and an ordinance adopting and ratifying the Confederate Constitution. The two latter acts were to be submitted to a direct vote of the people on June 8th; and the result of the vote was announced by the Governor on the 24th of the same month, when it was stated that the votes for Secession had been 104,913, to 47,238 on the negative side. On the 9th of February, the people of Tennessee had by a large majority declared their attachment to the Union, by determining not to elect a convention; and the apparent change in their sentiments has been attributed partly to violence, partly to the falsification of the election returns by the Governor and his colleagues. The determination of Arkansas to secede from the old Union, which was taken on the 6th of May, has also been imputed to illegal and revolutionary interference with the votes of the convention. However this may have been-and such charges are not unlikely, though difficult to prove-it is probable that a genuine alteration had to some extent come over several of the Southern States, as a consequence of recent acts. Justifiable and even necessary as it was, Mr. Lincoln's call to arms, there can be little doubt, had driven many into rebellion. In Arkansas, rebel agents were particularly busy, sowing disaffection wherever there was the least prospect of its taking root. Even the frontier Indians were tampered with, and several tribes were induced to give in their adhesion to the Confederate cause, and to form auxiliary regiments for service against the Federals. These miserable savages suffered much throughout the civil war; for neither combatant had any real regard for their interests.

The Virginian attack on Harper's Ferry took place on the night of April 18th. It was just a year and a half since that little town had been the scene of John Brown's desperate enterprise-an attempt which had had much to do with subsequent events; and now the Virginians themselves were about to assault the same Federal positions which they then re-captured from the brave but illjudging Abolitionist. A military force had been concentrated at the National Armoury and Arsenal

by the Federal Government in the early days of Secession, as it was feared that, if the feeling of disaffection spread to Virginia, every endeavour would be made to capture those important posts. Such a prize would be well worth having, for ten thousand muskets were produced there every year, and from eighty to ninety thousand stand of arms were generally stored in the buildings. It was intended that the attack should be conducted by a force of three thousand men; but, owing to a mistake, not more than two hundred and fifty were in fact engaged in the exploit. These assembled, about eight o'clock in the evening, at the appointed place-a little village half-way between Charleston Court House and Harper's Ferry. Thence they marched, a distance of four miles, towards the object of attack. A body of infantry moved first, and was followed by a few horsemen, and a single piece of artillery. It was now dark, and the little force proceeded in deep silence along the country roads which wind through the woody hills scattered about the confluence of the Potomac and the Shenandoah. Within a mile of the Ferry, the Virginians encountered some sentries, who challenged them. The column halted, and, while the men loaded their guns, the officers held a consultation. Before any resolve could be formed, two violent explosions from the direction of the Ferry broke upon the night, and the darkness was illuminated by a broad and vivid flame. Lieutenant Jones, who was in command of the Arsenal, had blown up that building, crossed the river with his men, and retreated towards Pennsylvania. His force was small; he had observed symptoms of disaffection all around; and he feared he should not be able to withstand the attack which he knew was about to be made. When, therefore, he received information that the Virginians (whose numbers were greatly exaggerated) had arrived within twenty minutes' march of the Ferry, he set fire to the trains which had previously been laid, and crossed the Potomac over the covered bridge, followed by an angry crowd, whom it was necessary to keep back by threatening to fire on them. Lieutenant Jones was commended y the Federal Government for his act, and it was perhaps a necessity under the circumstances of the time. But it entailed a severe loss upon the nation, and the explosion, having been hastily brought about, was not completely effectual. The Armoury buildings were indeed entirely destroyed; but the attempt to blow up the machine-shop failed, and a large quantity of valuable machinery remained uninjured, and of course fell into the hands of the enemy, together with some weapons. Harper's

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Ferry now became an important rebel post, where a large number of Confederate troops were concentrated, and whence detachments were for a while pushed forward even into Maryland.

A still further sacrifice was rendered necessary by the rebellious attitude of Virginia, and the weakness of the Federal power there. It was resolved by the Secessionists to seize the Navy Yard near Norfolk, and the Washington Government was obliged to consider how best to defeat such a design. The Virginians began their preparations on the 16th of April, when two light-boats were sunk in the channel of the Elizabeth River, below Norfolk, to prevent any of the vessels getting out. The Navy Yard is situated at Gosport, a suburb of Portsmouth, opposite Norfolk. At the time in question, it contained several war-vessels of large size, others of smaller size, and a vast quantity of arms and munitions of war. The defences of this great naval station were most inadequate, and the Government sent orders to Commodore McCauley to exercise extreme caution, to arm the Merrimac with as much speed as possible, to put the Plymouth and Dolphin beyond danger, to have the Germantown in a condition to be towed out, and to place the more valuable property on shipboard, so that it could at any moment be removed. The departure of these vessels was delayed by order of McCauley, who afterwards stated that he had been influenced by the advice of several of his junior officers, whose loyalty, though they were born in Southern States, he believed he had no reason to doubt, but who soon deserted to the enemy. When at length it became evident beyond a doubt that the Navy Yard was to be attacked by a very powerful force, and that it was not possible either to repel the assault or to save the national property, McCauley ordered the scuttling of all the vessels, with one exception. This operation had commenced when Captain Paulding, who had been despatched from Washington with instructions from the Secretary of the Navy, arrived at the Navy Yard in the Pawnee, which was enabled to pass the obstructions placed in the channel by the conspirators. He at once saw that merely scuttling the ships would not be sufficient to save them from the Confederates. Nothing remained but to set them on fire, together with all the public buildings and national property. Early in the morning of April 21st, a terrific conflagration, the light of which could be seen far off at sea, and for many miles into the country, burst forth at several points, destroying eleven vessels and some of the buildings, but leaving other of the buildings comparatively untouched, and a large number of heavy guns none the worse. The loss

to the Federal Government has been estimated at 7,000,000 dollars, and the gain to the insurgents, whom it supplied with a much-needed armoury of valuable weapons, was greater than could be put into the tangible form of figures. The Merrimac also was sufficiently uninjured to be afterwards repaired by the Confederates, and to render service to their cause.

The disastrous events at Harper's Ferry and the Gosport Navy Yard placed the Federal capital itself in considerable danger. Many Secessionist sympathisers were to be found in that city, and for a time the position of the President and his Ministers was extremely perilous. The call for militia, however, was promptly answered by the loyal States. Pennsylvania and Massachusetts were among the earliest to move, and in a little while several regiments had been drawn around the seat of Congress. Yet in other respects the situation was most gloomy and threatening. The only place now held by the Federal Government in the State of Virginia was Fortress Monroe, situated on the point of land between the James and York Rivers, at their junction with the Potomac. Those rivers were blockaded by what remained of the fleet. The vessels were concentrated in Hampton Roads, near the fortress; and this was one of the few manifestations of Federal power which the Government was capable of making south of Maryland. Even in Maryland itself, affairs were going very ill. The Secessionists were sufficiently strong to hinder the loyal action of Governor Hicks, and most of those in authority were attached to Southern ideas and principles. Baltimore, one of the principal cities of the State, was at that period the scene of some very distressing events. All troops travelling by railway from the north and east to Washington were compelled to pass through that town; and the Secessionists vehemently resented this as an outrage on State sovereignty. Some Pennsylvanian soldiers, who arrived there on the 18th of April, were at once surrounded by an angry and excited mob. Individual acts of violence were committed on that day, especially on the persons of black men; but the Pennsylvanian troops left without encountering any serious opposi tion, and arrived at Washington in time to save the Federal metropolis from the contemplated attack by Virginians. A Massachusetts regiment, which reached Baltimore on the 19th, was less fortunate. A good many South Carolinians, Georgians, and other Southerners, were at that time congregated in the city. The Marshal of Police (Mr. George P. Kane), the Mayor (Mr. George W. Brown), and several other persons of influence and

position, were bent on detaching Maryland from the Union, if it could be effected by any means, fair or foul. The recent secession of Virginia had created a wild desire amongst the ruling classes to act in the same manner, and several meetings were held on the evening of April 18th, at which plans were laid for attacking the New Englanders on the morrow. Great excitement was visible among the populace on the morning of the 19th. In one of the principal streets, a large quantity of paving stones had been piled up during the night, and other preparations had been made for resisting the Northern men, similar to those of Parisian mobs in times of revolution. The Massachusetts troops, who arrived a little before noon, together with ten companies of the Washington Brigade, of Philadelphia, were received with yells, imprecations, and showers of stones and bricks. As those of the Massachusetts detachment were passing through the streets in cars from one railway station to another, they were handled with so much roughness that many of the soldiers were a good deal hurt. Some anchors lying on a neighbouring wharf were dragged across the tramway, and the street was so effectually barricaded that the soldiers were compelled for a time to go back. Ultimately they were formed into column, and directed to march along the side pavements in close order. The attack of the mob was presently renewed, and matters looked so serious that the officer in command ordered his men to cap their pieces. Stones and bricks were now falling heavily upon the advancing ranks ; fragments of iron were thrown on them from windows; and some serious injuries were received. At length the soldiers lost their patience, and fired into the mob, who recoiled for a moment. The Mayor now placed himself at the head of a large body of police, and endeavoured to restrain the crowd. The fight nevertheless continued until the troops had struggled to the railway station whence they were to depart for Washington. It was then found that three of their number had been killed; that one was mortally wounded; that eight were gravely, and several others slightly, hurt. The mob had suffered in a still greater degree. Nine had been killed, and more were wounded than was ever exactly known. The train, as it started, was assailed with stones and logs of wood, and was afterwards fired at by persons on the surrounding hills.

The departure of the Massachusetts men did not put an end to the disturbances. The Pennsylvanians were attacked with equal fury, but were for a long time assisted in their defence by the Baltimore Unionists. At length, however, they

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were overpowered, and the soldiers, flying in all directions, sought shelter wherever they could find it. It was not until after Marshal Kane had interposed that the fugitive soldiers returned to the railway carriages, and were sent back to Philadelphia. The mob then possessed themselves of guns and pistols, and a great Secessionist meeting was held in the open air. The troops of the State and city were called out, and Governor Hicks, despite his Union sympathies, was compelled to promise that no more regiments from other States should pass through Baltimore, and to declare himself in favour of Secession. At eleven o'clock at night, the Mayor, with the concurrence of the Governor, despatched a committee to President Lincoln, with a letter stating that the citizens were determined to oppose any further passage of troops through their midst. At midnight, Marshal Kane and a former Governor of the State applied to Hicks for authority to destroy the bridges on the railways from Harrisburg to Philadelphia, by which lines other regiments were expected to arrive. The conspirators stated shortly afterwards that they had received the sanction of the Governor to this course; but the Governor subsequently denied that he had given any such authorisation. The bridges, however, were destroyed; the telegraph wires on all the lines leading out of Baltimore, with the exception of the one to Richmond, were cut; and the town was thus temporarily isolated from the control

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of the Federal Government. The committee sent to the President had an interview with him early on the morning of the 20th, when Mr. Lincoln, feeling his weakness, endeavoured to compromise matters by suggesting that the troops should pass round Baltimore, instead of through it; and it was ultimately agreed that they should go by Annapolis, the capital of the State. Still, the Secessionists were not satisfied. Negotiations went on for some hours, and the President even stooped to the humiliation of ordering back a certain body of troops already on its way to Washington. Governor Hicks, on the 22nd of April, urged on the President to offer a truce to the insurgents, so that further bloodshed might be avoided, and suggested that the British Minister, Lord Lyons, should be asked to act as mediator between the contending sections of the country. Mr. Seward replied to these suggestions with a distinct refusal to refer any American dissensions to foreign arbitration; but with regard to the passage of troops, the tone adopted by the Secretary of State was almost apologetic. Other attempts to arrange the dispute were made at the same time, but without any effect. The President had now advanced his utmost concessions, and to further proposals he could only reply that troops must be had for the defence of Washington, and that, as they could come by no other route than Maryland, the people of Maryland must be content to let them pass.

DIFFICULTIES and dangers crowded round the Republic at this gloomy period of its history, and not the least of these was the defection of Colonel Robert Edmund Lee, an engineer officer of much distinction, who had always enjoyed the confidence of General

Scott. Lee was a Virginian, connected by marriage with the family of Washington. He was born in 1807, and was placed in 1825 at the West Point Military Academy. His father had attained the rank of a General, and had fought with distinction

in the War of Independence. The son was engineerThe son was engineerin-chief during the Mexican war, was wounded at the battle of Chepultepec, and rendered such eminent services as to be promoted several times. A few years later, he accompanied General McClellan to the Crimea, to report to the American Government on the military operations of the allied armies before Sebastopol; and on returning to his native land lived in honoured retirement until what he regarded as the cause of his State called him again to the field. His subsequent career in the civil war of America proved that he possessed very high abilities as a

nation of Governor Letcher, commander of all the military and naval forces of Virginia. He had an interview with General Scott on the 18th of April, and two days later wrote to the Commander-in-Chief, tendering his resignation. In this communication, he spoke of his reluctance to separate himself from a service to which he had devoted the best years of his life; but he considered the claims of his State paramount, and from the 20th of April he was a soldier of the Confederation ruled by Mr. Jefferson Davis.

The Federal capital continued for some days to

commander; but his fame would have been purer had he drawn his sword on behalf of that Government to which his allegiance was due. It must be admitted, however, that Lee was not quick to take sides against the Union. He saw seven States secede, and made no sign of any disposition to support the revolutionists. Even as late as March 16th, he accepted the rank of colonel of cavalry; but when Virginia joined the new league, he conceived himself bound in honour to place himself at her disposal, and at that of her allies. He was also tempted by an offer coming from the President of the Virginian convention, to the effect that that body would willingly appoint him, on the nomi

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be in imminent peril of seizure by the enemy; but the situation was in time greatly improved by the energy and promptitude of the veteran General Wool, Commander of the Eastern Department, acting in conjunction with a body sitting at New York, called the Union Defence Committee. immediate communication with Washington was not at that time possible, and the case was urgent, General Wool took upon himself the execution of various measures which were in truth in excess of his powers. He collected and despatched a great many regiments, and a large amount of arms, not only to the capital, but to several parts of the country where assistance was sorely needed to save