Imágenes de páginas
PDF
EPUB

which are now worth less than eighty-five per cent of the gold dollar prescribed as "the unit of value "in section 14 of the act of February 12, 1873, and which, with the silver certificates representing such coin, are receivable for all public dues. Being thus receivable, while also constantly increasing in quantity at the rate of $28,000,000 a year, it has followed, of necessity, that the flow of gold into the Treasury has been steadily diminished. Silver and silver certificates have displaced and are now displacing gold, and the sum of gold in the Federal Treasury now available for the payment of the gold obligations of the United States and for the redemption of the United States notes called "greenbacks," if not already encroached upon, is perilously near such encroachment. These are facts which, as they do not admit of difference of opinion, call for no argument. They have been forewarned to us in the official reports of every Secretary of the Treasury from 1878 till now. They are plainly affirmed in the last December report of the present Secretary of the Treasury to the Speaker of the present House of of Representatives. They appear in the official documents of this Congress and in the records of the New York Clearing House, of which the Treasury is a member, and through which the bulk of the receipts and payments of the Federal Government and of the country pass.

These being the facts of our present condition, our danger and our duty to avert that danger would seem to be plain. I hope that you concur with me and with the great majority of our fellow citizens in deeming it most desirable at the present juncture to maintain and continue in use the mass of our gold coin as well as the mass of silver already coined. This is possible by a present suspension of the purchase and coinage of silver. I am not aware that by any other method it is possible. It is of momentous importance to pre. vent the two metals from parting company; to prevent the increasing displacement of gold by the increasing coinage of silver; to prevent the disuse of gold in the custom houses of the United States in the daily business of the people; to prevent the ultimate expulsion of gold by silver. Such a financial crisis as these events would certainly precipitate, were it now to follow upon so long a period of commercial depression, would involve the people of every city and every State in the Union in a prolonged and disastrous trouble. The revival of business enterprise and prosperity so ardently desired and apparently so near would be hopelessly postponed. Gold would be withdrawn to its hoarding places, and an unprecedented contraction in the actual volume of our currency would speedily take place. Saddest of all, in every workshop, mill, factory, store, and on every railroad and farm, the wages of labor, already depressed, would suffer still further depression by a scaling down of the purchasing power of every so-called dollar paid into the hand of toil. From these impending calamities it is surely a most patriotic and grateful duty of the representatives of the people to deliver them.

I am, gentlemen, with sincere respect your fellow citizen, GROVER CLEVELAND.

PART III.

Senator Edmunds on the Whiskey Tax - Why the Internal Revenue System should be abolished- The Whiskey Tax should be levied by the States, and not by the General Government. The following letter is taken from the Democratic Evening Post of New York:

SENATE CHAMBER, Washington, July 21, 1888. DEAR SIR: I have yours of the 12th inst. I have not endeavored to verify the quotation you make from what is represented to have been my remarks in 1868 on the subject of the whiskey tax, but I will assume the quotations to be correct, and to be fair in the sense of quoting enough to show the whole scope of

propositions I am represented to have laid down. At the same time and as I think in entire consistence with all I then maintained, and still believe, I am in favor of the total abolition of the whole internal revenue system, with its army of spies, and office holders, and political bummers, and thus relieving the people from a nuisance in the way of administration and from a taxation which we all know (whatever dispute there may be about who bears the principal weight of the customs duties) is a tax upon the people of the United States, and I include whiskey in this abolition for the reason that it cannot remain under taxation without the same army of office holders, and without really aiding, as it now does largely, whiskey interests and whiskey trusts rather than discouraging them. I desire that whatever revenue is obtained from liquor and the liquor traffic shall be obtained by the States themselves and go directly into their treasuries for the building of prisons for violators of the law, and providing for those -as the States only may-whom the evils of the liquor traffic have made homeless and desolate. I believe that the cause of temperance and prohibition will be largely promoted by dissolving all connection of the Government of the United States with that sort of business, and thus stimulating the States themselves to deal with it in their own independent way, as a question of social economy and social morals, and in this opinion I am sustained by a very large and rapidly increasing number of the most sincere, intelligent and active Prohibitionists of the country. And so I think it is only to be regretted that the present state of the expenditures of the Government is such as to probably require a retention of the whole or some part of the internal revenue system as it relates to the liquor traffic. It is perfectly well known here that the great whiskey combination of the country has been operating for a long time to retain the whiskey tax and the Government protection of its manufactures, and I am sure that you will agree with me in believing, as all human experience has proved in such cases, that the turning the whole matter over to the States will not make whiskey any freer than it is now, either in price or quantity.

I do not usually reply to letters on quasi-political subjects, written by strangers, but your letter is so evidently that of an earnest and honest man that it gives me pleasure to answer you with entire candor and earnestness. In haste, very respectfully yours, GEORGE F. EDMUNDS. CASSIUS CARTER, Esq., San Diego, Cal.

PART IV.

General Secretary Litchman's [K. of L.] Letter to Senator Quay - The triumph of Democracy the most serious blow possible to organized Labor.

The following letter, dated August 27, 1888, addressed to Senator Quay, chairman of the Republican National Committee, by General Secretary Litchman of the Knights of Labor, will interest all workingmen:

WASHINGTON, Aug. 30.- Senator Quay, chairman of the Republican National Committee, furnishes the in his official capacity for publication: following letter, dated August 27, and addressed to him

Dear Sir: My connection with the labor movement for the past fourteen years has made it necessary for me to be a close student of causes of labor depression and of the needs of those who toil. While as a body a labor organization may refrain from active participation in politics, so much of what organized labor demands must be obtained through legislation that the individual member of the labor organization must act politically as in his judgment will best aid the aims and objects expressed in the principles of the organization he represents, and whose success he desires.

In the gigantic political struggle now begun side issues count as nothing except to aid or hinder one of the principal combatants in the political arena.

How

secure which these separate political organizations are formed, and whatever strength in votes may be shown at the polls, the fact remains that the candidate of either the Republican or of the Democratic party will be the next President of the United States. Therefore to him who has the good of his country and the welfare of her people at heart the necessity exists to choose to which of these two old party organizations shall be given his aid, either directly or indirectly, by voice or

vote.

While it may be that neither party offers all that labor organizations desire, I believe that the Republican party, in adopting and advocating the American system of encouragement and protection to the labor and wages of our own land, is nearer the declarations and desires of organized labor than its freetrade opponents, the Democratic party.

The conflict is between the American system, as represented by the Republican party, which would foster and encourage the labor of our own people and retain for them the market and wages of our own country, and the British system, as represented by the Democratic party, which would break down the barriers of protection and throw open our home market to the production of foreign factories and foreign labor, thus making idle our own toilers and reducing

to a lower level the standard of American wages.

When the Knights of Labor and kindred organizations shall have obtained in foreign lands the same commanding position and influence enjoyed in the United States the inequality of wages will disappear, not by levelling our wages down but by levelling their wages up. It is far better to level up than to level down, as the larger the income the larger the power to consume. Until this equalization can be accomplished, and until the wages of labor abroad shall equal those at home, there must be a proper restriction of immigration, so that our land may not be the dumping ground of the pauper and degraded labor of the balance of the world. This restriction, supplemented by a continuation of thorough, systematic organization of the labor already here, in conjunction with the American idea of Protection to American labor, cannot fail to secure for our people the best results of their toil, and by our example lift the labor of the whole world to a higher and better plane of existence.

Whichever party wins, something must be done to regulate more strictly this importation of foreign labor under contract and the immigration of paupers and dependents. If nothing should be done, then Democratic success would mean not only Free Trade in goods made by pauper labor, but the importation of both the labor and the goods.

While under Free Trade goods may be cheaper to the consumer in certain lines, the labor made idle in those lines must turn to other means of employment and thus by competition compel a lower rate of wages to those already employed therein.

The power of a workingman to consume depends upon what he receives for his labor. Unemployed, his power to consume, except in charity or in theft, ceases. I prefer that America should be a land of workers rather than a land of thieves and paupers.

What is true of the individual is equally true of the nation.

The primary elements of national wealth and national prosperity are production, distribution and consumption. Whatever affects the power of labor to consume, affects the 'entire interests of the nation. Whatever lowers the wages of labor, affects its power to consume. An "average reduction" of 7 per cent on the cost of goods imported, will not compensate American labor for the loss of 100 per cent in wages in the lines affected, and of 10 to 50 per cent in wages in the lines of employment by the substitution of the free trade for the protective system. I hold it to be far wiser statemanship to build up and retain our home market by a system that protects American labor, than to command a market in foreign lands secured by the wholesale degradation and pauperization of our own people.

Every dollar's worth of labor imported is by so much a reduction of home laborers' wages. This axiom is not offset by the declaration that there are more goods in the imported dollar's worth. The position of the Protectionist is rather strengthened by such a specious presentation of the matter, because the question is then instantly forced upon every intelligent

dustry in which le is experienced is transferred to foreign lands?

The theory of Protection advocated by the Republiean party is the same is the underlying principle upon which all labor organizations are founded. A friend to organized labor that believes in organization as a means to enhance and maintain wages cannot consistently oppose a party that pplies to all labor the same principle of protection from unfair competition that the individual trade organation gives to the single trade. Trade organizations o aid in advancing wages in their respective trades all the protective system demanded by the Republican arty will secure for all the toilers in the land a similar ostering care.

[ocr errors]

That this is clearly understoo by most of the thinking leaders of organized labor isroved by the declaration recently made in favor of e American system and a home market by the preshing officers of the organization representing the iron d the glass industries of the United States. There is better organization of any one trade than the Amalgamated Association of Iron and Steel Workers. There no trade more thoroughly organized or better discipled than that of the window glass workers, nor one in hich higher wages are paid. The warnings of the ticers representing these trades against free trade artery signifi

cant and should be heeded.

A careful consideration of all these fact convinces me that the present is a grave crisis in th political affairs of our country and that I have no rist to remain silent. My position as general secretal of the Knights of Labor has given me an intimate knowledge of the various phases of the labor question, an from the knowledge thus gained I do not hesitate t that the triumph of the Democratic pary, domited by intolerance in the South and British free-tide sentiment in the North, would be the most seris blow to organized labor it could possiblyreceive.

I cannot remain inactive in such a conflict. There fore, to you and your associates of the National Republican Committee, as the representatives of the Republican party, I offer my services in any position or capacity where they may be desirable or be thought most useful to aid in securing the success of Harrison and Morton, the representatives in his campaign of the American idea of protection to American labor. I have the honor to rmain,

Your to command,
CHARLES H. LITCHMAN.

PART 7.

The States and the Class's most interested
in maintaining a Protective Tariff.
Senator Platt of Connecicut siid:
In his speech in the enate, Feb. 6, 1888,

By the census returns of 150 less than 20 per cent. of the manufactured product of the United States were produced in New England. More were manufactured west of the State of New Drk, as he Senator from Ohio [Mr. Sherman] well sggests to me, than in 1860 were manufactured in all te United States. Let us look at these facts a little, cause it is such a familiar thing to hear that tariff preection is for the benefit of New England manufactures. You may create a prejudice, if you please, agains New England, a prejudice against its manufactures ad its manufacturers, but if you are going to tear don the protective system, I want it understood that are pt by any means the principal sufferers.

California, Illinois, NevJersey, and Ohio manufactured in 1880 more goods ian allNew England. Indiana, Maryland, Michigan Missouri, Wisconsin, Minnesota, and Iowa manufactred narly as much as New England. New York an Pennylvania manufactured nearly half more than few Egland. This has increased. If manufactues are not increasing in New England, they are rushig forward with phenomenal rapidity in other sectios of the country, and when the census of 1890 comes toe takes not more than 15 per cent. of the manufactung in the country will be done in New England. Letne give he exact figures.

The total annual prouct of mnufactures in the Uni

In the New England States it was as follow:

Connecticut.

Maine

Massachusetts
New Hampshire
Rhode Island

Vermont.

[merged small][merged small][merged small][merged small][merged small][merged small][merged small][ocr errors][ocr errors][merged small][merged small][ocr errors][merged small][ocr errors][merged small][ocr errors][ocr errors][ocr errors][ocr errors]

In New York and Pennsylvania:

[merged small][ocr errors][merged small][merged small][merged small][merged small]

31,354,366 No, I tell the men who are seeking to destroy the protective tariff that they must not delude themselves $1,076,158,303 with the idea that they are aiming their blows against New England. The New England manufacturer is the man who has least interest of all other classes of men in the preservation of the protective system. He $116,218,792 is interested in it, indeed, but others and all others 414,864,673 are interested more. If I were to name the order in 254,380,236 which the different classes are interested in the main348,298,390 tenance of a protective tariff, I would say, first, the laborers everywhere, in whatever field they wipe the $1,133,762,091 sweat from their brow; more than any manufacturers, are the wage-receiving men of this country interested in its preservation. The blow hits them first, and it may as well be understood, and they are coming to $148,096,411 understand it all over the land. First, the men who 106,780,573 work in manufactories, the artisans, are hit; next, 150,715,025 agriculturists and the men who work on farms; next, 165,386,205 manufacturers in other sections of the country where 128,255,480 they are not as well established and where the indus76,065,198 tries may indeed be said even now to be infant indus71,045,926 tries; next, those engaged in transportation; next, those engaged in merchandise; and last, and least, if $846,304,808 you please, the manufacturers of New England.

"THE SECRET OUT."

Es

"The explanation of the extraordinary delay in Mr. Cleveland's letter of acceptance is easy. Like the rest of mankind, the President is afflicted, as we long ago made known, with a dual personality; but in his case the ordinary conditions are reversed. The Jekyll, who favors reform and is animated by patriotic and statesmanlike purposes, is feeble and small of build. The Hyde is large and powerful and fat. When Mr. Cleveland was first nominated, he was touched by this mark of confidence on the part of his fellow-men. Jekyll came uppermost. He saw, knowing as he did the irrepressible wickedness of Hyde, that unless he were checked at the outset he would use every cunning and wicked device to bring about his re-election. So Jekyll wrote the passage in the letter of acceptance which served notice on Hyde that he must not dare to think of a second term. But the ink was hardly dry before that wily and unscrupulous character began his evil-machinations, and Hyde, being by far the stronger personality of the two, invariably gains the victory in the end. The sending of that ten-thousand-dollar check to the Democratic National Committee was a critical point in this tremendous struggle, of which no hint so far has escaped to the outside public. Jekyll knows that he cannot consistently or with any propriety accept the nomination, and is making a brave fight for a clean record. But what are consistency and propriety to Hyde? When, therefore, he succeeded in sending the ten-thousand-dollar check, it was with a chuckle of ghoulish glee, for he knew then that he had committed Jekyll, and while the final acceptance might be long delayed, it must come sooner or later. It is even said that the check was signed by Edward Hyde, and not by Dr. Jekyll at all. But the national committee accepted it without question, because they know that Mr. Cleveland has bank accounts in both names, and draws on Hyde's much more frequently than on Jekyll's.

"This disclosure must arouse a great popular sympathy with Mr. Cleveland. We can easily imagine now what fearful struggles have been going on in the White House, at the dead of night, when Jekyll was straining every nerve to conquer his familiar demon. If Jekyll could have had his way we might have had a model administration, within its intellectual limitations, but Hyde's unconquerable depravity has kept his wretched victim continually in hot water. It was Jekyll who promised to be a civil-service reformer, but Hyde made the appointments, and so it was that about two hundred persons directly connected with the criminal classes got into Federal office in three years. It was Jekyll who wrote such beautiful letters to George William Curtis, but to what end? Hyde had no sooner been inaugurated than he struck up a violent friendship with Gorman, and sat up late nights with him planning political rascality. It is Hyde who writes all the pension vetoes, and sneers at the soldiers and their widows. It was Hyde who wanted to return the rebel flags, but the outcry frightened even hir.. It was Hyde who, after a long and frightful combat, succeeded in getting possession of the President's pen last December and wrote the free-trade message, because it is the one craving of his nature to smash things. It was Hyde who determined that there must be a bid made for the Irish vote, and so wrote the retaliation message in spite of Jekyll's wailing remonstrances that his entire policy on this question was being revised and made ridiculous. It was Hyde, too, who dictated the new anti-Chinese bill.

"For ninety-one long days now this contest has lasted, and it cannot continue much longer. The sending of the ten-thousand-dollar check was a sign that Jekyll is fast losing his strength and must soon succumb. It will not be many days now before we shall have a letter in which nothing will be said concerning 'the allurements of power ' and 'the temptation to retain public places once gained,' but in which the nomination for a second term will be eagerly, even greedily, accepted. The letter will be signed by Jekyll, but we shall all recognize between the lines the cunning and unscrupulous hand of Edward Hyde." -New York Tribune, Sept. 4, 1888.

[blocks in formation]
« AnteriorContinuar »