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The earnestness of this declaration, delivered with a force of eloquence such as no "twelve men good and true I could have withstood, would have carried conviction even to the sceptical reporter's mind had he not suddenly remembered a little incident earlier in the afternoon, wherein "a young man with a wife and family, about to go to housekeeping," had been held up, and this polite introduction of the subject omitted.

Ignoring the discrepancy as likely to lead off the subject of Mr. Judd's connection with the fund, he asked:

"Does Mr. Judd know of this collection being made in his office?"

"This is not his office: it is my office," answered the wary lawyer.

"Well, does he know of the collection being taken up in your office, then?"

"I suppose so; but, I repeat, he has nothing whatever to do with it. I act directly for the national committee. I don't know who suggested my name to them. I only returned from Europe this summer, and on my return I was informed that I had been selected."

"I suppose, then, Mr. Judd would not countenance the collection did he know that the fact of his name being associated with yours in business, acted as a sort of compulsion on the men?"

"Of course he would not."

A Point he had Studied - Mr. Esher couldn't be caught by Civil-Service Laws.

Changing the subject, as further questions on this point only promised to bring out further denials of the postmaster's complicity, tacit or expressed, in the matter, the reporter inquired:

"How about the civil-service act? Is this not a direct violation of it?"

The question seemed to please the lawyer hugely. He had evidently been expecting it all through the unwilling cross-examination to which he had found himself in a measure compelled to act the part of candid witness. Smiling benignantly on the legally untutored scribe, he answered:

"I had studied that law thoroughly before I undertook any part in this matter, and I would suggest that

you do the same."

The abashed reporter acknowledged his ignorance on the subject from a strictly legal standpoint, and suggested that it would be well to enlighten the public how the act could be so narrowly skimmed and yet successfully evaded.

"If you will consult the act you will find that it prohibits the collection of funds for party purposes from Government employés on two conditions: First,

the funds must be collected inside a Government building; and, secondly, the party making the collection must be a Government official.

"Now you can clearly see," he continued, "that this is not a Government office. I pay rent for this place, and the Government has no more to do with it than you have; so far I am not breaking the law. Secondly, I am not a Government official. I was employed at the post-office until last spring, but since then I have found my legal practice all I could manage, so I gave up my Government position. If you can find any clause in the act which will bring me under its penal provisions, I would like to hear about it. Mr. Phelps also is as free of Government fetters as I am, and fail to see how the act reaches him."

thing about that interview. I would have been ready to give the 'Tribune' all the information I have given you, and there's no use giving me away."

As the reporter failed to respond with becoming alacrity, to Mr. Esher's request to kill a good story, the gentleman redoubled his taffy.

"Will you promise me one thing, like a good fellow?" the lawyer entreated.

"If it be in my power, certainly."

"Well, as a personal favor, I ask you not to write anything of the scheme you put up on me to get this information."

The reporter's memory instantly reverted to the fact that the "copy" of the first interview had been prepared before the second visit.

"I won't write a single line on the subject." "Thank you very much," replied the gratified lawyer, unlocking the door, and bowing the reporter

out.

They were waiting to see him."

The ante-room was by this time filled with lettercarriers and others waiting patiently, and the looks of pitiful inquiry which met the reporter on emerging from the sanctum were not the strongest possible confirmation of the alleged willingness which Mr. Esher had expatiated so largely upon.

Two weary-looking carriers rose at once to face the music of the inner room, but before they could enter Mr. Esher appeared in the doorway and beckoned his funereal lieutenant to a confab on the aspect of affairs.

At the elevator the reporter met two more lettercarriers hurrying like snails to their chief's office. Entering the elevator on its upward journey, he engaged in conversation with the boy in charge.

Lots of letter carriers in this building," he observed.

"Pears so- guess dar mus' be sum'fin' like a law. suit agin de Guv❜nment - dey's comin' heah a week or all looks black'n'er thunder, an' goes off wuss'n'r dey mo' now-guess dar's som'fin' upsettin' 'em - dey

come."

"How many of them do you think, there have been?"

"I dunno. Mus' ha' been hundreds- comin' an'

goin' all de time -'pears likes'f dar's gwine to be a strike or som'fin er de sort - nebber seed sich a lot of mad lookin' pos'men -shuah."

Thanking the darkey for the information, the reporter left the building.

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What the Mugwumps think of it. The "Chicago Daily News' (Mugwump pro-Administration paper), Aug.24, 1888, commenting upon this amusing exposé, says:

Few people, even among the most offensively partisan Democrats, will regret the exhibition which the Democratic Campaign Committee has made of itself in Chicago. It was a matter of public notoriety that the management of the Chicago post-office was imbecile almost to the point of being doddering. There was no possibility of blunder which this management has not fathomed and tried. It was patent that it was clumsy, stupid, and ineffective in every possible direction in which clumsiness, stupidity, and ineffectiveness could be indecently exhibited. Yet it was into the diplomatic hands of S. Corning Judd, the architect of all these failures, that the Democratic Committee confided the delicate and dangerous task of making the

"But Mr. Judd - he can hardly be said to be out-public servants in Chicago stand and deliver. We are side the prohibited circle," the reporter suggested.

"I have already told you a dozen times that Mr. Judd has nothing whatever to do with this fund," answered the lawyer in tones of vexation.

Things he would like left out.

not talking now of the immorality of this forced levy. Evidently neither Judd nor the committee recognizes any immorality in the transaction; they see in it practical politics and nothing else. But we can not help pointing out the fatuity which put such a task as this into the care of the diplomatic Judd. He was just as certain to do those things which neither he nor the committee wanted done-just as certain, by his

Quickly changing the tone and theme of the conver-left-handed, crass ineptitude, to erect the illegal levy sation, Mr. Esher reverted to the scheme whereby he had given the whole business away to the reporter. "After all," he continued, "I don't think it was hardly the square thing for you to do- coming to me as you did, telling me the yarn about Ed Robinson.'

upon the post-office employees into a public scandal — as though an asinine exposure of the committee's contempt for the civil-service law, its shameless defiance of the letter and the spirit of the Democratic platform, and its impudent breach of President Cleveland's

President Cleveland's Ten thousand dollar
contribution to the Democratic Campaign
Fund - Private Secretary Lamont defends
Campaign contributions by office holders.
Recently the wires flashed the peculiar
news all over the country that President
Cleveland had contributed $10,000 to the
Democratic Campaign Fund and that other

The whole affair was worthy of the men and the | tools. They have got what they deserved, and what every one who knows Mr. Judd would have naturally and logically expected. The whole episode would be ludicrous if it were not so humiliating. The spectacle of the Machiavellian Judd covering his tracks by the secret and inscrutable device of having his law partner make the assessments; the ingenious idea of notifying the clerks by postal-card to come and be mulcted; and finally the brilliant strategy which Mr. Judd's partner displayed in unbosoming himself to a reporter - all go to make a picture of practical politics which we com-large amounts had been given to the same mend to all practical politicians as an example of what fund by the members of his cabinet. The can be done by a man who puts his mind to it. After all, it is harder to forgive an ass than a knave, following telegram in the Boston Globe especially an ass that masquerades as a knave and then (Democratic) is corroborative: falls at the first hurdle and tangles his hind legs in his halter. Perhaps the powers that in their wisdom give us postmasters may learn from this little example some of the general plans and specifications of the postmaster they have given us.

How Civil Service Reform works in
Pennsylvania.

In the United States Senate, Aug. 29, 1888,
Senator Hale said:

For a time the Administration sailed under the pretext that it was a civil service reform administration. Investigation and examination showed that whatever had been the evils under old administrations they were ten times increased under the present administration. There was never an administration that made wholesale and sweeping removals like this. There was never an administration that prostituted its office-holding force to the uses of party politics like this. There has never been illustrated or shown in the history of the Government any such instance of the power of an administration being used to break down malcontents and protestants in the Democratic party as has been shown by this civil service reform Administration. Testimony taken by a committee of the Senate, of which I have the honor to be chairman, shows that in the State of Pennsylvania discipline was resorted to by the national Administration, every power of the Government was brought to bear to break down the resisting force against the Administration and its theories inside of its party in the person of Mr. Randall. Nothing that could be brought to bear in the way of patronage but was bestowed to pay men in terms for deserting the standard of Mr. Randall, so that the Administration might control the party organization in that State. It was shown that in the assessing and the collecting of money for political purposes, in turning post-offices and custom-houses into sluice-ways through which might run contributions for party purposes, nothing had ever been equal to it; and yet upon the heels of that the President issued a new order, which I hold in my hand, in which he declared that the civll-service rules must be enforced with greater strength and with greater rigor, as if that would be a remedy!

WASHINGTON, Aug. 27.-The reported $10,000 campaign contribution from the President was the theme of discussion up town and down town to-day. When asked by a reporter about the story Colonel Lamont said:

"I don't see anything very startling about that story. It is well known that the President has always openly and above-board been in the habit of making such contributions as his means justified toward defraying the necessary legitimate expenses of his party's campaigns whether he has been a candidate for office or The expenses for documents, meetings, etc., in a not, and this year is not likely to be an exception. national campaign covering the whole country, run up into the hundreds of thousands of dollars. Somebody fully than those who are supposed to have a personal must pay, and none could be expected to more cheerinterest in their party's success. The President will, ner as far as he thinks fair and proper, just as I supas heretofore, assist the Democratic party in this man. pose General Harrison and General Fisk will aid the Republican and Prohibition parties. I don't know what sum he will give, and I don't understand that it is any of my business, but I am sure the sum you mention ($10,000) is not unusually large."

To the further question of whether or not the story published was true the colonel refused to reply, say ing: "That is all I have to say on the subject. I think the statement published to the effect that such large sums have not been given before is all nonsense."

The

Logical Deductions.

Milwaukee Sentinel makes the following calmly logical deductions on the subject:

If the contributions of the President and his Cabinet to the Democratic campaign fund do not constitute pernicious partisanship, and if it is not a violation of the doctrine that Federal officeholders cannot decently, although they may legally, contribute to partisan success, then there is no such thing as logic and consistency in this crooked world. And if it is not more to be condemned in those who should set an example of reform than in subordinates, then there is no such thing as reason.

CHAPTER XIV.

Democratic Rascality and Republican Honesty - The Official Record.

"We pledge ourselves anew to the constitutional doctrines and traditions of the Democratic party, as illustrated by the teachings and examples of a long line of Democratic statesmen and patriots. Public money ... for public purposes only." - Democratic National Platform, 1880.

"The money now lying idle in the Federal treasury, resulting from superfluous taxation, amounts to more than one hundred and twenty-five millions, and the surplus collected is reaching the sum of more than sixty millions annually." Démocratic National Platform, 1888.

"To the victors belong the spoils.” — Andrew Jackson.

--

PART I.

What Democracy" Means" by "Honest"
Civil Service Reform - Light from the
Past.

Jefferson had removed 62; but Jackson, in the genuine spirit of a Democratic reformer, in one year removed, it was estimated, 1,500 officials-in one year nearly 12 times as many as by all his predecessors from the beginning of the Government. The officials removed were experienced, capable, and trusty. The character of those who filled their places is attested by the "reform" which followed.

"To the Victors belong the Spoils." On March 4, 1829, Andrew Jackson, pledged to retrenchment, economy, and reform, was inaugurated President of the United States. Proclaiming the maxim that "to the victors belong the spoils," Jackson "Retrenchment, Economy, and Reform," let slip the "Furies of the Guillotine" in a as a slogan, were early patented by the Peck-wholesale proscription of the old and tried sniffian Democracy. In 1828, in the House officials of former administrations. John of Representatives, the partisans of Andrew Q. Adams, in the preceding four years, had Jackson, the founder of modern Democracy, made but 12 changes—all for cause. In the raised the cry of " extravagance and fraud" preceding 40 years, all his predecessors toagainst the then existing National adminis-gether had made only 132 changes of these tration that of the younger Adams. After a protracted and acrimonious debate, an investigation was ordered by the House, but Mr. Hamilton, its chairman, in his report to the House utterly fails to convict the younger Adams or his administration of either extravagance or corruption, or even to raise a presumption of either; and in history that administration stands unsurpassed by any whlch preceded it, or has followed, for practical statesmanship of the highest order, for incorruptible integrity, for its success in the management of the affairs of the nation, and for exalted patriotism. Nevertheless, the Democracy clamored against it. They denounced it for extravagance and fraud. They fabricated the infamous "bargain and corruption" libel against Adams and the chivalrous Henry Clay, charging that the Democracy, by Adams and Clay in the House of 1824-25, had been cheated out of the Presidency-charges which their authors subsequently confessed were not only false" in themselves, but were "impossible to be true," but which they clamorously urged in every vile form, and literally lied Adams down. Thus it was that the Democracy originally succeeded to power

66

Democratic confession of “great pecuniary loss "The Harlan Committee developments.

After many failures to obtain an investigation into the corruptions or malpractices of Jackson's rule, all investigations into which had been systematically defeated in both Houses of Congress by Jackson's partisan friends, and the packing of committees by Speaker James K. Polk, the House, in 1839, when Jackson had retired to the shades of the Hermitage, and when awe of the President was not so great as under pugnacious Old Hickory, took the matter into its own hands, and elected a committee for the purpose, with Hon. James Harlan, of

The whole affair was worthy of the men and the | tools. They have got what they deserved, and what every one who knows Mr. Judd would have naturally and logically expected. The whole episode would be ludicrous if it were not so humiliating. The spectacle of the Machiavellian Judd covering his tracks by the secret and inscrutable device of having his law partner make the assessments; the ingenious idea of notifying the clerks by postal-card to come and be mulcted; and finally the brilliant strategy which Mr. Judd's partner displayed in unbosoming himself to a reporter-all go to make a picture of practical politics which we commend to all practical politicians as an example of what can be done by a man who puts his mind to it. After all, it is harder to forgive an ass than a knave, especially an ass that masquerades as a knave and then falls at the first hurdle and tangles his hind legs in his halter. Perhaps the powers that in their wisdom give us postmasters may learn from this little example some of the general plans and specifications of the postmaster they have given us.

How Civil Service Reform works in
Pennsylvania.

President Cleveland's Ten thousand dollar contribution to the Democratic Campaign Fund - Private Secretary Lamont defends Campaign contributions by office holders. Recently the wires flashed the peculiar news all over the country that President Cleveland had contributed $10,000 to the Democratic Campaign Fund and that other large amounts had been given to the same fund by the members of his cabinet. The following telegram in the Boston Globe (Democratic) is corroborative:

WASHINGTON, Aug. 27.-The_reported $10,000 campaign contribution from the President was the theme of discussion up town and down town to-day. When asked by a reporter about the story Colonel

Lamont said:

"I don't see anything very startling about that story. It is well known that the President has always openly and above-board been in the habit of making such contributions as his means justified toward defraying

In the United States Senate, Aug. 29, 1888, the necessary legitimate expenses of his party's cam. Senator Hale said:

For a time the Administration sailed under the pretext that it was a civil service reform administration. Investigation and examination showed that whatever had been the evils under old administrations they were ten times increased under the present administration. There was never an administration that made wholesale and sweeping removals like this. There was never an administration that prostituted its office-holding force to the uses of party politics like this. There has never been illustrated or shown in the history of the Government any such instance of the power of an administration being used to break down malcontents and protestants in the Democratic party as has been shown by this civil service reform Administration. Testimony taken by a committee of the Senate, of which I have the honor to be chairman, shows that in the State of Pennsylvania discipline was resorted to by the national Administration, every power of the Government was brought to bear to break down the resisting force against the Administration and its theories inside of its party in the person of Mr. Randall. Nothing that could be brought to bear in the way of patronage but was bestowed to pay men in terms for deserting the standard of Mr. Randall, so that the Administration might control the party organization in that State. It was shown that in the assessing and the collecting of money for political purposes, in turning post-offices and custom-houses into sluice-ways through which might run contributions for party purposes, nothing had ever been equal to it; and yet upon the heels of that the President issued a new order, which I hold in my hand, in which he declared that the civll-service rules must be enforced with greater strength and with greater rigor, as if that would be a remedy!

paigns whether he has been a candidate for office or The expenses for documents, meetings, etc., in a not, and this year is not likely to be an exception. national campaign covering the whole country, run up into the hundreds of thousands of dollars. Somebody must pay, and none could be expected to more cheerfully than those who are supposed to have a personal interest in their party's success. The President will, ner as far as he thinks fair and proper, just as I supas heretofore, assist the Democratic party in this manpose General Harrison and General Fisk will aid the what sum he will give, and I don't understand that it Republican and Prohibition parties. I don't know is any of my business, but I am sure the sum you mention ($10,000) is not unusually large."

To the further question of whether or not the story published was true the colonel refused to reply, say ing: "That is all I have to say on the subject. I think the statement published to the effect that such large sums have not been given before is all nonsense."

Logical Deductions.

The Milwaukee Sentinel makes the following calmly logical deductions on the subject:

If the contributions of the President and his Cab. inet to the Democratic campaign fund do not constitute pernicious partisanship, and if it is not a violation of the doctrine that Federal officeholders cannot decently, although they may legally, contribute to partisan success, then there is no such thing as logic and consistency in this crooked world. And if it is not more to be condemned in those who should set an example of reform than in subordinates, then there is no such thing as reason.

CHAPTER XIV.

Democratic Rascality and Republican Honesty - The Official Record.

"We pledge ourselves anew to the constitutional doctrines and traditions of the Democratic party, as illustrated by the teachings and examples of a long line of Democratic statesmen and patriots. Public money ・・・ · for public purposes only."-Democratic National Platform, 1880. "The money now lying idle in the Federal treasury, resulting from superfluous taxation, amounts to more than one hundred and twenty-five millions, and the surplus collected is reaching the sum of more than sixty millions annually." Democratic National Platform, 1888.

"To the victors belong the spoils." — Andrew Jackson.

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PART I.

66

What Democracy “ Means” by “Honest"
Civil Service Reform - Light from the
Past.

"To the Victors belong the Spoils." On March 4, 1829, Andrew Jackson, pledged to retrenchment, economy, and reform, was inaugurated President of the United States. Proclaiming the maxim that "to the victors belong the spoils," Jackson "Retrenchment, Economy, and Reform," let slip the "Furies of the Guillotine" in a as a slogan, were early patented by the Peck-wholesale proscription of the old and tried sniffian Democracy. In 1828, in the House officials of former administrations. John of Representatives, the partisans of Andrew Q. Adams, in the preceding four years, had Jackson, the founder of modern Democracy, made but 12 changes - all for cause. In the raised the cry of "extravagance and fraud preceding 40 years, all his predecessors toagainst the then existing National adminis-gether had made only 132 changes of these tration that of the younger Adams. After Jefferson had removed 62; but Jackson, in a protracted and acrimonious debate, an in- the genuine spirit of a Democratic reformer, vestigation was ordered by the House, but Mr. in one year removed, it was estimated, 1,500 Hamilton, its chairman, in his report to the officials-in one year nearly 12 times as House utterly fails to convict the younger many as by all his predecessors from the Adams or his administration of either extrav- beginning of the Government. The officials agance or corruption, or even to raise a pre- removed were experienced, capable, and sumption of either; and in history that ad- trusty. The character of those who filled ministration stands unsurpassed by any which their places is attested by the "reform" preceded it, or has followed, for practical which followed. statesmanship of the highest order, for incorruptible integrity, for its success in the management of the affairs of the nation, and for exalted patriotism. Nevertheless, the Democracy clamored against it. They denounced it for extravagance and fraud. They fabricated the infamous "bargain and corruption" libel against Adams and the chivalrous Henry Clay, charging that the Democracy, by Adams and Clay in the House of 1824-25, had been cheated out of the Presidency-charges which their authors subsequently confessed were not "only false" in themselves, but were "impossible to be true," but which they clamorously urged in every vile form, and literally lied Adams down. Thus it was that the Democracy originally succeeded to power

Democratic confession of "great pecuniary loss" - The Harlan Committee developments.

After many failures to obtain an investigation into the corruptions or malpractices of Jackson's rule, all investigations into which had been systematically defeated in both Houses of Congress by Jackson's partisan friends, and the packing of committees by Speaker James K. Polk, the House, in 1839, when Jackson had retired to the shades of the Hermitage, and when awe of the President was not so great as under pugnacious Old Hickory, took the matter into its own hands, and elected a committee for the purpose, with Hon. James Harlan, of

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