tions concerning the position of the duchies of Holstein and Lauenburg were not sufficiently advanced to enable her to judge if so important a modification of the Federal Constitution would be compatible with the interest of the duchies. The representative of Holland declared that Luxemburg and Limburg would never consent to a modification of the Federal Constitution which would in any way interfere with their independence and legislative powers; that as to Limburg it was altogether foreign to Germany by its language, manners and nationality, and if the public opinion of the country were consulted, it would suggest rather its complete separation from the Confederation than propositions which would bind it more closely to Germany. After this vote, the representatives of Austria declared, that the imperial government reserved to itself the right to carry out the project of an assembly of delegates by means of private arrangements; that it hoped that the Diet would yet be able to take the subject up again, under more favorable circumstances; and that it was always ready to enter into deliberations upon the creation of a more effective Federal executive power and a national representation proceeding from the particular legislatures of the several states. Bavaria, Saxony, Hanover, Würtemberg, Hesse-Darmstadt, and Nassau declared their concurrence in the opinion of Austria. On July 31st, 1863, the Emperor of Austria, in an autograph letter, invited all the sovereigns of the German Confederation and the senates of the free cities to meet in an assembly at Frankfort-on-the-Main at which all should personally attend, with the object of discussing the question of a reorganization of the German Confederation suitable to the requirements of the age. Most of the governments accepted the invitation, and the sitting of the congress was accordingly opened on August 17th, at eleven o'clock in the morning, under the presidency of the Emperor. The Emperor in his opening speech spoke at great length of the proposed reform and the King of Bavaria replied. The following is a complete list of the princes and representatives of the free cities who took part in the proceedings of this Congress. The Emperor of Austria, the Kings of Bavaria, Saxony, and Hanover, the Crown Prince of Würtemberg, Grand Duke of Baden, Elector of Hesse, Grand Duke of Hesse, Prince Henry of Holland, the Duke of Brunswick, Grand Duke of MecklenburgSchwerin, Duke of Nassau, Grand Duke of Saxe, Duke of Saxe-Meiningen, Duke of Saxe-Coburg-Gotha, Grand Duke of Mecklenburg-Strelitz, Grand Duke of Oldenburg, the Hereditary Prince of Anhalt-Dessau, the Prince of Schwartzburg-Sondershausen, the Prince of Schwartzburg-Rudolstadt, Prince of Lichtenstein, Prince of Waldeck, Prince of Reuss (younger branch), the Prince of Schaumburg-Lippe, the Burgomaster of Lubeck (Herr Bremer), the Burgomaster of Frankfort (Dr. Müller), the Burgomaster of Bremen (Dr. Duck witz), the Burgomaster of Hamburg (Dr. Haller), making altogether twenty-four princes and four representatives of free towns. The Kings of Prussia and Denmark, the Princes of AnhaltBernburg, Saxe-Altenburg, Reus (elder branch), Hesse-Homburg, and Lippe, who constitute the remaining members of the German Confederation, were neither present themselves nor represented by deputy. On August 19th the King of Saxony left Frankfort for Baden, where the King of Prussia was staying, with a joint written invitation from the assembled princes to the king, to take part in the Congress, but the king persisted in declining. The session of the Congress terminated on Sept. 1st. The Emperor of Austria, at the closing sitting, expressed his satisfaction at the complete fulfilment of his hopes of a direct cooperation on the part of the German sovereigns. He hoped that this first Congress of German Princes would soon be followed by a second, that all the members might be united into one great body, and that their endeavors would be crowned with success. The "Reform Act," as finally agreed upon by all the states except six (Baden, Luxemburg, Saxe-Weimar, Mecklenburg-Schwerin, Waldeck, and Reuss, younger branch), bears the date of Sept. 1st, 1863, and is entitled as follows: "Reform of the German Bund as proposed by the Congress of Princes held at Frankfort." Its provisions, briefly stated, are as follows: 1. The objects of the German Confederation are declared to be the maintenance of the security and power of Germany in regard to foreign countries; the maintenance of public order at home, and the furtherance of the interests of the German nation. 2. A Directory is established for the management of the affairs of the Confederation; a Federal Council is organized from among the plenipotentiaries of the governments; an assembly of Federal delegates is to be convoked periodically, and a Federal court of justice is established. 3. The Directory is to consist of six votes, namely: 1. Austria; 2. Prussia; 3. Bavaria; 4. Saxony, Hanover, and Würtemberg, alternatively; 5. A member elected by Baden, the two Hesse, Holstein, Luxemburg, Brunswick, the two Mecklenburg, Nassau; 6. A member elected by all the other states; the Federal Council of seventeen members nominally, but twenty-three actually, as Austria and Prussia are to have three votes each. 4. The Assembly of Delegates is to consist of three hundred and two members-elected, not by the people, but "by the representative bodies of the several German states," Austria is to have seventy-five members, and Prussia (if she pleases) the same number. The four free cities are entitled to send two representatives (the original proposition was for one only, but this was amended). This Assembly is to meet once in three years, in the month of May, and may be prorogued by the Directory for any period not exceeding two months. Should the Assembly be dissolved, the Directory is empowered immediately to issue orders for a new election. The right to "make representations and complaints" is granted to the Assembly, and it may "pass resolutions" on national affairs, but legislative privileges are denied. 5. The Assembly of Princes "takes into consideration the results of the deliberations of the Chamber of Deputies" and "examines into the representations and complaints" of the Chamber of Delegates, and orders the promulgation, by the Directory and by the several states, of the acts it has sanctioned. 6. No formal declaration of war can be made without the consent of two thirds of the Federal Council. Should there be danger of a war between a foreign power and a state which has possessions not belonging to the Confederation, the Directory is bound by the decision of the Federal Council whether or not the Confederation shall take part in the war. Before separating, eighteen princes and the four burgomasters of the free cities signed another letter to the King of Prussia, in which they expressed their deep regret at having been deprived of the king's personal coöperation in the great work they had undertaken, and state that they nevertheless cherished the hope that a general understanding will be ultimately arrived at. The letter concludes thus: "Being all inspired by the wish for German unity, and ready to make sacrifices, we have come to a perfect agreement upon the project of reform. We shall consider it a great success for ourselves and for our peoples if resolutions are maturing in the mind of your Majesty, by which, thanks to the unanimity of her princes, Germany will realize her desire for a wholesome reform of her Constitution, based upon the laws of the Confederation." In its reply, dated September 24th, the Prussian Government made its participation in the work of reform contingent upon three preliminary conditions: 1, a right for both Prussia and Austria of vetoing every war which is not carried on for the defence of Federal territory; 2, complete equality of Austria and Prussia within the Confederacy; 3, the election of the Assembly of National Delegates by a direct vote of the German people. The attempt of Austria to prevail upon the other German courts to agree upon a joint answer to Prussia failed, and it was, therefore, deemed best to call a "Conference of Ministers" to deliberate upon the next step to be taken. This conference was opened at Nurnberg on October 24th, but only ten of the twenty-three governments which had signed the letter of September 1st to Prussia, were represented. A majority of them did not agree to the propositions of Austria and Saxony, to reply to Prussia by identical notes. On August 21st, the Assembly of German deputies (members of Legislatures of German states) was opened at Frankfort-on-the Main. It was attended by about 300 delegates. Herr von Benningsen, of Hanover, was elected president; Herr Barth, of Bavaria, and Herr von Unruh, vice-presidents. The following resolutions were unanimously adopted: 1. The Assembly regards the initiative of the Emperor of Austria in preparing the way for a reform of the Federal Constitution, and the ready participation of most of the German princes and the free cities in this work, as a cheering testimony of the universal conviction as to the insufficiency of the actual Federal Constitution, and as to the necessity of its reform. 2. The Assembly still believes that only the idea of a Federal State, as expressed in the "Constitution of the German Empire of March 28th, 1849," can fully satisfy the national demand, but under the actual circumstances, it is unwilling to reject absolutely the proposition of the Emperor of Austria. 3. But it must emphatically declare itself against some portions of the Act of Reform, especially against the proposed plan of national representation. It regards the election of a German Representative Assembly by a direct vote of the German people as indispensable. 4. The two Great Powers ought to have equal rights; and those provinces of Prussia, which before 1848 did not belong to the German Confederation, ought to be admitted to it. 5. The Act of Reform ought not to be introduced without the consent of a German National Assembly. The "National Verein" held its third General Assembly at Leipzic, on October 17th. It was resolved that the Act of Reform proposed by Austria does not meet the expectations of the German people; that its introduction would be no step toward the realization of German unity, and therefore the National Verein must decidedly oppose it. The counter propositions of the Government of Prussia are equally insufficient. The National Verein stands by the Constitution of 1849. It rejects no means which will tend to making Germany really a Federal state. But the German people alone, through its chosen delegates, can ultimately decide upon the Constitution of the Empire. The General Assembly of the Grossdeutsche (Great German) party was opened at Frankfort-on-the Main, on October 28th. This meeting expressed a more favorable opinion of the Congress of Princes and its work. It declared in favor of adopting the Act of Reform; but at the same time proposed several amendments, as the holding of biennial instead of triennial Assemblies of Delegates of German Legislatures. It was attended by 442 members, and the principal speakers were Herr von Lerchenfeld, of Bavaria, Herr von Wydenbrugk, of Saxe-Weimar, and Prof. Brinz, of Austria. The difficulties between the Diet of Holstein and the German majority of the Diet of Schleswig on the one hand, and the Danish Government on the other, led, toward the close of the year, to a very serious complication between Denmark and Germany, and the year 1863 closed with the almost certain prospect of a speedy war. (See SOHLESWIG-HOLSTEIN.) GETTYSBURG is the capital of Adams county, Pennsylvania. It is situated on the head waters of the Monocacy, about forty miles north of Frederick in Maryland. It has a beautiful location, surrounded with hills, valleys, and the dark outline of the Blue Ridge on the west, and the billowy Catoctin range on the south. A great battle was fought here on the 1st, 2d, and 3d days of July. Subsequently the bodies of the slain of the Union Army were gathered in a national cemetery located on the battle field. This was dedicated with much ceremony in November. GILBART JAMES WILLIAM, Esq., born in London, March 21, 1794, died at Bromptoncrescent, Middlesex, August 8, 1863. He became a clerk in a London bank in 1813, and while in that position took an active part in the Athenian Debating Society, and was subsequently connected with the Union Society, of which Mr. J. S. Mill and Lord Macaulay were members. From 1825 to 1827 he was a cashier in a Birmingham office, and during that time delivered an interesting course of lectures on the philosophy of history. Shortly after this he was appointed manager of a branch of the Provincial Bank of Ireland, but retired from that post to take the general management of the London and Westminster Bank, the duties of which he discharged with much ability until 1859, and on his retirement from the office of general manager he was elected a director of the company. Mr. Gilbart was the author of many works, among which may be mentioned "A Practical Treatise on Banking," "The History and Principles of Banking," "A History of Banking in Ireland," "The Logic of Banking," "Banking and the Currency,' ""History of Banking in America," "Logic for the Million," &c. He was a Fellow of the Royal Society, and in the International Statistical Congress, held in July, 1860, he was appointed one of the committee of the section of Commercial Statistics. GRAND GULF, a village in Claiborne county, Mississippi, on the Mississippi river, two miles below the mouth of Big Black river. It contained two or three churches, a market, and several steam mills. Considerable cotton was formerly shipped from the place. The population was about 1,000. It was fortified by the Confederates with batteries fronting on the river, but evacuated on the approach of Gen. Grant in the rear. (See ARMY OPERATIONS.) GREAT BRITAIN, OR THE UNITED KINGDOM OF GREAT BRITAIN and IRELAND. Area, 112,406 square miles; population, 1861, 29,334,788. Capital, London. Government, a Constitutional Monarchy. Parliament, two Houses, Lords and Commons. Queen, Alexandrina Victoria. Heir apparent, Albert Edward, Prince of Wales, eldest son of the Queen. Cabinet: Viscount Palmerston, First Lord of the Treasury; Lord Westbury, Lord High Chancellor; Right Hon. W. E. Gladstone, Chancellor of the Exchequer; Earl Granville, K. G., Lord President of the Council; Duke of Argyle, Lord Privy Seal; Rt. Hon. Sir George Grey, Baronet, Secretary of State for the Home Department; Earl Russell, Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs; the Duke of Newcastle, Secretary of State for the Colonies; Earl De Grey and Ripon, Secretary of War; Rt. Hon. > Sir Charles Wood, Baronet, Secretary of State for India; the Duke of Somerset, First Lord of the Admiralty; Rt. Hon. T. Milner Gibson, President of the Board of Trade; Lord Stanley of Alderley, Postmaster General; Rt. Hon. Edward Cardwell, Chancellor of the Duchy of Lancaster; Rt. Hon. C. Pelham Villiers, President of the Poor Law Board. There was nothing of special interest to the United States in the events transpiring in Great Britain previous to the opening of Parliament on the 6th of February, 1863. In the royal speech at the opening of the session, the approaching marriage of the Prince of Wales to the Princess Alexandra of Denmark was announced; the offer of the Greek crown to Prince Alfred and its declination were stated. It was further declared that the protectorate of the Ionian Isles would be resigned, in order that they might be incorporated with the kingdom of Greece whenever a stable government was organized. The patient endurance exhibited by the manufacturing population of the cotton districts, under their severe privations was eulogized. The neutral position hitherto maintained between the contending parties in the United States, it was announced, would still be preserved. The speech closed with a reference to the beneficial results of the commercial treaty with France, and the adjustment of a similar treaty with Belgium, and the announcement that papers relating to the recent transactions in Japan would be laid before the two Houses. The arrival of the Princess Alexandra at Margate, on the 5th of March, her subsequent progress through London, and her marriage on the 10th of that month occupied public attention to the exclusion of other topics. The relations of the British Government at this time and for two months later with the United States were of a very unsatisfactory character, and the opinion was widely entertained in Europe that ere long the two nations would drift into a war with each other. There was far less apprehension of such a result on this side the Atlantic than on the other, but there was for some time real danger of a collision. The Government of the United States, annoyed by the legal quibbles by which the escape of the Alabama had been permitted, and the spirit of the Foreign Enlistment Act violated, and fully apprized that other armed vessels, some of them of a formidable character, were in progress of construction in English ports and destined soon to add to the fleet of marauders on the high seas, unless the British Government maintained in better faith its neutrality, remonstrated in strong terms against this unfriendliness in the treatment of a power with whom its relations had hitherto been so intimate and cordial, and gave notice of its intention to make reclamation for all losses occurring to American citizens through the destruction by the Alabama. On the other hand the ship owners, many of them engaged in blockade running, had been subjected by Adm. Wilkes and other American commanders to so rigid a scrutiny of their vessels, under the right of visitation and search, which, following British precedent, had been most rigorously exercised, and had so often had them seized when their real destination differed from their professed ones, that they constantly besieged the British Ministry with appeals for the recognition of the Southern Confederacy, and for forcible seizure of American property to reimburse their losses. Two incidents, occurring about this time, added to the excitement. The Peterhoff, a new iron steamer, very fast, and having a valuable cargo on board, was overhauled by the American cruisers, and though her ostensible destination was Matamoras, Mexico, yet the character of her cargo and the evidence afforded by her papers was so conclusive of the intention of her officers to run the blockade, that she was captured, and sent into New York for trial and condemnation This letter was made public at Lloyd's, and a deputation of merchants and others interested in the Peterhoff at once brought the matter to the notice of Earl Russell, commenting very severely upon the course of the American Minister. The matter was brought up in the House of Lords, and an attempt was made to charge upon Mr. Adams an interference with British commerce, and the giving advantage by his eertificates to one British ship over another. Mr. Adams denied any such intention, and stated that he believed himself to have a perfect right to give certificates to American citizens to trade with Mexico, which was all that he had done. Notwithstanding this explanation, Earl Russell, on the 18th of May, in the House of Lords, declared his opinion to be that the letter was one which ought never to have been written. The noble earl was indeed in a trying position. His own views may be gathered from the following extract from a speech which he made in the House of Lords on the 23d of March: I do not believe those efforts of the Federals will be successful. But no man can say that the war is finally over, or that the independence of the Southern States is established. Well, then, what is the present state of the case? Although great efforts have been made in accept the decision of events. So far from it, we find vain, the great Federal Republic seems unwilling to the last acts of the Congress which has just expired are to place, by conscription, every man fit to carry in the prize court. Her owners in England arms at the disposal of the President of the United protested that she was engaged in a lawful voy- less than £180,000,000 sterling for the purpose of carryStates, and to vote sums of money amounting to not age, and besought the British Goverment to in- ing on the war. Well, then, in this state of affairs, I terfere. Her mails were seized, but at the re- should say that, looking to the question of right, it quest of Lord Lyons were placed in charge of would not be a friendly act toward the United States, the British Consul at New York, and finally for- it warded to their destination. The vessel and cargo, after a very fair and careful trial before the U. S. District Court, were adjudged lawful prize, and sold. (See PRIZE.) During the pendency of this case, a shipping house in England, Messrs. Howell & Zirman, one at least of the firm an American citizen, being about to despatch a vessel with cargo intended for the Mexicans, applied to Hon. Charles Francis Adams, the American Minister in England, for a certificate of their real design, to be placed in the hands of their captain, to secure them from capture if overhauled by one of the blockading squadron. Mr. Adams gave them the following: LEGATION OF the United STATES, LONDON, April 9th, 1863. Amid the multitude of fraudulent and dishonest enterprises from this kingdom to furnish supplies to the rebels in the United States, through the pretence of a destination to some port in Mexico, it gives me pleasure to distinguish one which has a different and a creditable purpose. Messrs. Howell & Zirman have furnished me with evidence, which is perfectly satisfactory to me, that they are really bound to Matamoras with a cargo intended for the Mexicans. I therefore very cheerfully give them this certificate at their request. It is not the disposition of the Government of the United States to interfere in any way with an honest neutral trade, and it is deeply to be regretted that the frauds which have been so extensively practised in this country have contributed so much to throw it under suspicion. CHARLES FRANCIS ADAMS. would not be to fulfil our obligations to a country with which we have long maintained relations of peace and amity-a great country, which says it can still carry on the war-it would, I say, be a failure of friendship on our part, if at this moment we were to interpose and recognize the Southern States. speak now with reference to the present aspect of afI have endeavored to guard myself by saying that I fairs. I hardly know any moment in which my noble friend could have brought forward his motion with less encouragement from events. It may turn out that made in vain; that the spirit of the South is unconthese immense efforts which are being made shall be querable as their determination never to be united again with the Northern States is final and irrevocable, and that a time may come when the duty of this country will be totally different from what it is at the present moment. All I maintain is, that it is our duty at present to stand still, and not top roceed to an act so definite, so positive-an act so unfriendly to the United States, as that of the recognition of the South. My noble friend spoke of various topics, of danger of Canada being attacked by the Northern Republic, and of the West Indies being attacked by the Southern. My lords, I cannot follow my noble friend into these suppositions. I do not venture to say what may be the future course of events. I confine myself to that which I think to be our duty now, which I think is right; and, if that be so, we must be content in future days to meet with future dangers, and it will not enfeeble our arms if we have it in our power to reflect that we have never failed in our obligations to those which have been great States in peace and amity with us, and that it has not been through any fault of ours that a great affliction has fallen on them. But while thus measurably friendly to the United States Government, and at least disposed to act justly and fairly by it, he was hampered in his action by some of his colleagues, who did not disguise their hostility to that Government, two only of them (Rt. Hon. T. Milner Gibson, and the late Sir George Cornewall Lewis) entertaining similar views to Earl Russell; and at the same time the Conservative, or Tory party, in Parliament, led by Earl Derby and the able and persevering Benjamin Disraeli, were constantly watching for an opportunity to overthrow the administration on this very question. They professed to be in favor of immediate recognition of the Southern Confederacy, and, whenever occasion offered, pressed a resolution to that effect upon the ministers. On the 24th of April, Mr. Cobden came to the relief of the Government in a speech of great eloquence and power in the House of Commons, in which he stated with much clearness the principles which obliged the English Government to act up to the spirit of the Navigation and Foreign Enlist ment Acts, in prohibiting the furnishing of war vessels to a foreign belligerent power to be used against a nation with whom they were at peace. He reviewed the past intercourse and traditions of the two nations (Great Britain and the United States), and enforced the lesson of friendship and kindness thus inculcated by a vivid picture of the probable results of the opposite course to Great Britain herself. This speech excited a powerful influence in averting the threatened war, and in confirming the ministry in their resolution to refuse all resolutions looking to recognition, and to adhere to their position of neutrality. the commencement of 1864) dismissed by that body, on the ground that the special case proposed at the instance of the chief baron to carry the matter before the court of the exchequer chamber, was informally and improperly made up. For the correspondence between the Government of the United States and the British ministers on this subject, see DIPLOMATIO CORRESPONDENCE. On the 30th of June, Mr. Roebuck, who had distinguished himself in Parliament since the commencement of the war as the friend and advocate of the Southern Confederacy, moved an address in the House of Commons, praying that negotiations might be entered into with the Great Powers of Europe for the purpose of obtaining their coöperation in the recognition of the independence of the Confederate States; by the Great Powers he said he meant France, and gave an account of an interview which he said had taken place between the Emperor of France, Mr. Lindsay (another member of Parliament), and himself, in which the Emperor told him that he had already made an offer, through Baron Gros, to join England in such a measure. Sir George Grey declared that no such communication as that stated by Mr. Roebuck had ever been made to the Government. The Chancellor of the Exchequer (Mr. Gladstone), objected to the motion, and said that he was most anxious for the termination of the war, but recognition would only produce reaction in the North. Mr. Bright eloquently denounced the motion, and demonstrated its injustice and folly. The debate was adjourned, but when called up again on the 18th of July, Mr. Roebuck himself moved its discharge. So far from accomplishing the design of its mover was the result of this debate, that it materially strengthened the purpose of the Government now fully formed to adhere more strictly than before to a firm neutrality. The case of the Alexandra and her sister ship, two ironclad rams, building in the Mersey by the eminent shipbuilders John Laird & Sons, who had built the Alabama, began to attract attention in May. The American minister had procured evidence which he regarded as conclusive that these two vessels were intended for the Confederate Government, and he laid While, however, there were indications of a this evidence before Earl Russell. The build- better state of feeling growing up between the ers, on being questioned, professed at first that two Governments-(to which Earl Russell gave the vessels were intended for the Emperor of expression in a public speech on the 26th of China, and, when this was disproved, that they September, in which he said: "The Governwere for the Viceroy of Egypt; but the Gov- ment of America discusses these matters very ernment became satisfied that these statements fairly with the English Government. Somewere mere subterfuges, by a forged report of times we think them quite in the wrong; somethe Confederate Secretary of War, then believed times they say we are quite in the wrong; but to be genuine, which acknowledged that these we discuss them fairly, and with regard to the vessels were intended for them. There was some Secretary of State I see no complaint to make. difficulty, however, in securing the requisite I think he weighs the disadvantages and diffiproofs to bring the case within the strict letter culties of our situation in a very fair and equal of the Foreign Enlistment Act, and there was balance")-there was still a hostility and bitreason to fear that while the Government were terness toward the United States on the part of engaged in these efforts, the rams would es- some classes in Great Britain, which manifested cape. This result was finally prevented on the itself on every occasion. The masses and a 10th of October, by the seizure of the rams by considerable portion of the intelligent middle order of the British Government, and their de- class, especially of the dissenting bodies, were tention under strong guard. A suit was pres- friendly to the United States, but they were ently instituted under the Foreign Enlistment not generally the voters. The efforts of some Act, and, being dismisse dby the courts on tech- of our citizens to set the people of England nical grounds, was carried before the House of right in the matter were attended with good Lords on an appeal, but was eventually (since success. The public addresses delivered in |