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for what grows naturally out of their position, and what in itself is only creditable to their hearts.

Indeed, we ought not to forget that, if the immigrants sometimes try us, we also sometimes try them. They do not find all their expectations realized; and the hardships they must endure under the most favorable circumstances are such as brave spirits might recoil from without disgrace. Let any one look at the poor emigrants as landed on our wharves, crowded into the wretched emigrant cars, and hurried away as so many cattle to the place of their destination, with not a sympathizing look, not a kind tone to greet them, unless they are so happy as to meet a countryman, and who, if he has been here long, is so changed that they can hardly own him, and he will not envy them the few advantages we give them. When we have seen in a Western town a poor woman from Ireland or Germany, with one or two children nestling around her, sitting on the wharf or in the station-house, waiting for a steamboat or car to carry her further on, and think with what flushed hopes she left the old country, and how wearied, disappointed, and desolate she now feels, we wonder how her strength can hold out, or her reason maintain its throne. The heedlessness, cruelty, and contempt with which the poor creatures are treated makes our blood boil with indignation at our own countrymen. No one seems to think that they have human feelings, or that life is precious to them. It was our lot recently to be on a train of cars which came in collision with a gravel train, and caused, perhaps, the most serious destruction of human life that has been caused by a collision on any railroad. The greater part of the persons killed and wounded were second-class passengers. The papers in giving an account of them called them emigrants. Persons who chanced to inquire of us concerning the particulars, to our statement of the horrors of the scene and the numbers killed and wounded uniformly added, "But they were emigrants," in a tone and manner that seemed to say, "It is no matter, we need n't care for them." This feeling, we are sorry to say, is almost universal among our countrymen, and we confess ourselves shocked at this culpable indifference. These poor

emigrants had fathers and mothers, sisters and brothers, as well as we, and as warm hearts in their own country loved them as love us, and as dear friends were grieved at their

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death as will be at ours. Life was as much to them as to us, and as tender ties were broken by their sudden death,we might, in the case to which we refer, almost say murder, as would be by the death of those who look upon them with such extreme indifference. A man is run over. "O, it is only an Irishman." A man has fallen from a house and broken his back. He is a foreigner, and we pass to the order of the day." Need we be surprised if the immigrants do not fall in love with us,-if they do not readily fraternize with us? Love begets love, but hatred or contempt, cruelty or indifference, does not. It is a proof of the good temper and forgiving disposition of the poorer class of immigrants, that they are not more bitter towards us, and that they are, after all, disposed to become Americans. That the foreign immigrants are faultless we do not pretend, and our readers know that we have spared them no more than we spare our own countrymen. They have done, no doubt, many unwise things, many imprudent things, and some of them have done. many wrong things; but justice compels us to say, that their account against us more than offsets ours against them, and whatever we may think of the policy of the naturalization laws as they stand, we have much to reproach ourselves with in our manner of treating them, and have no right to raise an outcry against them as a body, or on the ground of their being foreign-born.

It will not do, moreover, to forget that immigration has served to enrich the country, and to enable us to develop its resources. We are not disposed to concede that we owe all to foreign immigrants, or to acknowledge that all the genius, talent, skill, and bravery of the country have been imported from abroad. Some foolish scribblers and babblers have vented in this respect a good deal of irritating nonsense, which has provoked no small portion of the hostility now raging against foreigners as such. The American people are not wise enough or meek enough to be told that they are simply nobodies, without showing a little resentment. But it cannot be denied, and ought not to be disguised, that we owe much to the skill, the industry, and the labor of the foreign-born population. They have added probably six millions to our population, and we dare not say how many hundreds of millions of dollars to our wealth. Without them we could not have become

the great manufacturing people we are, dug our canals, or built our railroads. Without them to supply the demand for labor and to fill the vacuum left by internal emigra tion, Michigan, Wisconsin, Iowa, and perhaps Illinois, to say nothing of Texas and California, now great and flourishing States, would have remained unsettled, mere hunting-grounds for the native Indians. These things must be taken into the account in deciding whether our naturalization policy is to be changed or not.

Many of the immigrant population are poor, but poverty is not a crime, and without a similar population, who would be our servants, our domestics, our porters, our carriers, our scavengers ? Who would do our dirty or disagreeable work? If you have not a foreign population to do it, you must have a native population. They who work at the base of society always are and must be poor, but they are none the less necessary than they who work at the summit, and are no no more to be despised. Americans may make good masters, but they make bad servants, and were it not for the supply of servants sent us by Ireland and Germany, we should be obliged to resort to negro slavery, and there would not be a free State in the Union, "But the foreigners introduce vice and crime amongst us." That all foreigners are not saints, we readily agree; that there is a rapid growth of vice and crime in the country, we concede; but it must also be conceded that the natives are not all immaculate. Swartwout, Schuyler, Crane, Gardiner, and some others we could name, we believe were to "the manner born." If we exclude the criminals who fled here as such, or were sent here by their respective governments, making of our country a penal colony, the foreign-born population, taking into consideration their position, the trials they have, the sorrows which afflict them, the disappointments and regrets which sadden them, and the peculiar temptations which assail them, are really less vicious and criminal than the native population, and by far the most moral class in the country. The only reason why an impression to the contrary is entertained is that their vices are not precisely ours, and being different, they strike our attention more forcibly than those of our own countrymen. An impartial observer, considering the immigrants when they arrive, and comparing them with our own countrymen, and with what a large mass of them be

come after several years of residence here, will come to the conclusion, that the populations of the countries from which they have emigrated are far more moral than the American, have a higher moral standard, and act from deeper and more abiding moral principles. Yet we deny not that there are in the later immigration, especially since the revolutions of 1848, elements that bode no good to the country, for they are elements of which we had in our own national character too much.

Thus far we have thought proper to consider the party as an American party opposed to the naturalization of foreigners. It may be that our naturalization laws are too liberal, and need amending; but this is not the fault of for eigners, and we ought to be on our guard against running to an opposite extreme. There is no cause for wrath or bitterness against foreigners, and if we allow passion to rage, and undertake to legislate against them under its influence, we shall certainly be guilty of injustice. have long foreseen the crisis that was coming, and have done what we could to soften it; now that it has come, we entreat our countrymen to be calm and dignified, cool and deliberate, just and honorable, as becomes a great people.


Looking at the party from another point of view, we confess that, even if its objects were legitimate and such as we approved, we could not as an American republican or as an honest man give it our support. It is a secret political society, and as such is opposed to the spirit of American republicanism, which demands open avowals and free public discussions. It is hostile to individual freedom, for it demands absolute obedience on the part of its members to their chiefs, who are more despotic in their sphere than any crowned head in Europe. It works in the dark, like the Secret Council of Venice, and is restrained by none of the checks of publicity. It is immoral, because in its very oath it makes falsehood obligatory on every one of its members. Whence comes the name of the party, Know-Nothings? It comes from the answer, I know nothing, which one swears to give to every question put to him concerning the order. The member swears to lie, binds himself to falsehood upon falsehood. Now, the very initiation must vitiate the moral purity of the member, and tend to destroy what little of moral principle we have remaining in the com

munity. It takes a dishonorable advantage of its opponents. It knows who they are, and what are their purposes, but meanly skulks behind the impenetrable veil of secrecy, and refuses to avow its purposes, or let it be known who are its members. These and a hundred other similar objections should induce honest and sober men to reflect on its character and tendency, and, if they have entered it without consideration, to withdraw from it as speedily as possible. There are no legitimate political objects in this country, where the people are supreme, that require a secret, subterranean organization, or that cannot be obtained openly, in a straightforward and manly way.

As to ourselves as Catholics, we have to meet the movement as well as we can. If reason and justice were likely to avail anything, there would be no ground of apprehension. How powerful is the organization, what are its real purposes, or what are its chances of retaining the ground it gains, we cannot say. That its purposes are hostile to Catholics, especially Irish Catholics, we cannot doubt; whether it will effect anything serious against them is not so certain. However this may be, as Catholics we recognize no distinction of race or nation amongst us, and we are and will be one body, and share together whatever may be intended against any portion of us. There will be here no division amongst us, and as fares the foreign-born Catholic, so must and will fare the native-born. The lot of the one is the lot of the other, and in the hour of trial we trust there will be no desertion of one another, and the blow struck at any member of the Catholic body as a Catholic will be felt by the whole body and by every member. What we had to say of foreignism we said when it seemed not too late to produce some effect; but the movement has gone on, and we have as little wish as power to separate onrselves from the lot of our brethren, whether nativeborn or foreign-born. We are embarked in the same ship, and none of us will leave it. We must all stand by one another, and share each other's weal or woe.

Yet have we no cause to fear. The enemy can go no farther than permitted, and cannot so much as touch a hair of our heads without the permission of our Heavenly Father. Persecution there may be, chastisement there may be, but we have no fears that the Church will be uprooted

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