has been expressed, from the extreme radical-in favor of its immediate abolition—to the propagandist-devoted to maintaining and perpetuating the institution.

The diversity of opinion in regard to slavery is worthy of notice; the more intelligent of the Cubans, including a small number of slaveholders, are in favor of immediate abolition; they contend that it is not only an obligation due to justice and humanity, but a measure of sound policy that would be attended with less danger to the peace and good order of the island than others of prospective emancipation; that it would obviate all inducement to insurrection on the part of the blacks, and that any perturbation of the present system of labor could be easily arranged without materially reducing the productions of the island.

They claim, too, that the African slave-trade will only finally and definitely cease with the unconditional abolition of slavery in the island, where, alone, it meets with any encouragement.

They believe that while slavery exists there will be no government established here in which they can have a voice; that the island will continue to be governed by a repressive, censorious system, under pretext of preserving order; in other words, the forcible submission of the blacks, to the exclusion of all the rights and privileges of free government.

The generality of slave owners, Cubans as well as Spaniards, favor a plan of emancipation that will extinguish the institution in ten years, all born from and after the date of the decree to be declared free; they believe that by this plan the social transition may be gradually and insensibly effected, without serious injury to proprietors, whose interests are, or should be, considered identical with the general welfare of the island. This conservative class care very little about the advantages of free government, as long as they are protected in their material interests, and the immediate abolition of slavery is not attempted; they believe, also, that during the proposed period of ten years, European emigrants may be induced to come to the island and adopt agricultural pursuits; meanwhile they trust that the tranquillity of the island will remain unaltered and its resources developed.

A few Cuban and many Spanish proprietors oppose all plans interfering with their favorite institution; the most that they will consent to, and that with much reluctance, is a decree of freedom to all born from and after a date yet to be fixed upon. This class still persists in reviving the African slave trade, to which many of them owe their fortunes. It is known that they have sent commissioners to Madrid to protest against any plan of abolition or emancipation, differing from their own, that may be proposed. They desire the perpetuation of slavery,-under the conviction that not only their own prosperity depends upon it, but because the independence of the island would be next to an impossibility while the present system remains unchanged. With the loss of the island they know that Spain and her subjects would lose the languid influence they still maintain in the western hemisphere.

While the whites at the clubs, in public places, and at their own houses, discuss this question with little reserve, the other race, free and slave, listen in silence, not a few of them appearing to understand the question as well as their masters. It is believed that should a just and equitable system of emancipation be adopted they will remain quiet, but should other counsels prevail their peaceable submission can hardly be expected.

Almost simultaneously with the revolution in Spain, and apparently without concert with it, an insurrection broke out in the eastern and central department of the island. Notwithstanding the difficulties that occur in obtaining reliable information from that direction, the reserve of the government, keeping back important news, which afterward comes into circulation with all kinds of exaggerations, there appears to be little doubt but that the insurrection is of a much more formidable character than we were at first led to suppose, having its ramifications throughout the island, and its programme nothing less than absolute independence of Spain.

A state of poverty and decay has been noticeable in those departments during the past two years, the evils of which have been greatly aggravated by the system of taxation adopted a year since, and applied with little discretion or judgment to the more indigent portion of the rural population, principally engaged in raising cattle, cultivating tobacco, and cutting timber.

The discontent caused by the unusual and inappealable measures culminated in a "pronunciamiento" of the town of Yara, a short distance from Bayamo, headed by Don Pedro Vicente Aguilera, a landed proprietor of wealth, who, it is reported, at the same time gave freedom to two hundred of his own slaves.

Simultaneously with this movement other "pronunciamientoes" occurred in Tunas, Manzanillo, and Manibio, under the leadership of the well-known Cubans Cespedes, Arteaga, and Chamizo, to which, it has been reported, some small detachments of Spanish troops have united.

The wild character of the country where the insurrection has broken out, the entire want of railroads and even common roads, are greatly in favor of the "insurgents." It is well known, however, that they are deficient in arms, munitions, and effective or

ganization, with which to oppose the forces that have been sent against them; still it is reported that their numbers are now about equal to that of the entire Spanish force in the island.

It is generally admitted that should the government not succeed in checking this insurrection it will prove ruinous to the best interests of the island. Many, however, are confident that every motive for its continuance will cease with the arrival of General Dulce, the publication of a general amnesty, the adoption of a liberal and just policy in regard to the inhabitants of the insurrectionary districts carried out in good faith, and a definite settlement of the slavery question. It is believed that such a course will alone put an end to the present unsatisfactory state of affairs, the insurrection having already assumed such proportions as will make it very difficult, if not impossible, for the government to subdue it by force.

In addition to the foregoing, I beg leave to state that in this consular district good order prevails without any evidence of a rebellious spirit among any portion of the inhabitants; however, should the insurrection extend itself in this direction it is difficult to predict the consequences. The removal of General Dulce is looked for with great anxiety.

No. 83.]

No. 48.

Mr. Hall to Mr. Seward.

MATANZAS, December 17, 1868. Since addressing the department on the 18th ultimo, I have to report that a marked change is noticeable in the political condition of this part of the island. The same difficulties for acquiring information still exist. There are any number of rumors and exaggerated reports put in circulation by both parties, but it appears to be generally admitted that up to the present time the government has made no progress in quelling the insurrection, allaying the excitement of the inhabitants, or inspiring confidence.

The only attempt to revolt in this vicinity appears to have occurred at Jaquey Grande, near the terminus of the Matanzas railroad, where it is reported some three to four hundred insurgents met a few days ago, but not having obtained the arms that had been promised them they returned to their homes. With this exception there has been no demonstration of importance, but there is every indication that a general plan of insurrection exists in this and other principal cities, if not throughout the whole of the island.

In this city and vicinity there is much excitement among the Cuban population, and it is believed that only a want of arms prevents their rising against the authorities, while the Spanish, or loyal, portion of the inhabitants are becoming exasperated to such a degree, that it seems next to impossible for two such antagonistic elements to exist much longer, side by side, without coming into conflict.

It appears, also, that in other parts of the island the insurrectionary movement gains strength and adherents; even the conservative class of Cubans, that a month ago hoped and predicted a settlement of all difficulties, with the arrival of General Dulce, now fear, and even admit, that the affair has progressed so far that there can be no recession, and whether as a question of months or years, it can only terminate in separation with Spain.

The question of slavery appears, meanwhile, to have been lost sight of; the insurgents, however, rely upon the assistance of the free blacks in case of need.

Arrests are numerous; parties in custody of soldiers and police are

frequently seen in the streets, many of them from the surrounding country destined to the prisons of this place or the fortresses of Havana.

There is a general distrust in commercial circles; business is greatly paralyzed, notwithstanding the promise of an abundant crop, just coming into market. There is no disposition on the part of any one to make investments-in fact, all would be glad to realize and remove their means out of the island-evidently fearing that the worst has not yet

come.

I have endeavored in the foregoing to give the department an impartial and reliable account of the present state of affairs in this district, and hope it may be of interest.

No. 89.]

No. 49.

Mr. Hall to Mr. Seward.

MATANZAS, February 25, 1869.

I have the honor to accompany herewith copy of a letter received today from Mr. James H. Horner, consular agent at Sagua la Grande.

In order to comply with your request to furnish you with reliable information respecting the insurrectionary movement in this vicinity, I have been obliged to wait till now, as the reports heretofore received have been very much exaggerated.

There are, however, some facts that may possess interest, and one is that Sagua la Grande, and the jurisdiction of that name, are under martial law, and are declared in a state of siege.

Day before yesterday the insurgents in the number of 1,800 (reported) were attacked by about 400 infantry, and 100 cavalry volunteers, in the estate "San Miguel,” near Villaclara. The rebels were hidden in the cane fields, and the government troops charged upon them, and the rebels set fire to the cane in many places at once, thinking to envelop the troops in the flames. The fire drove both parties to the batey, (yard,) and the rebels hid themselves in the buildings, where they were hunted and shot down in great numbers. The official report states, or will state, that there was a "horrible butchery." The government forces lost fourteen in killed. The loss of the other side is not stated.

To-day the passenger train from the "Encruzijada" to the Boca, and which passes through Sagua, has been captured, at least it is so supposed, as the train ought to have arrived at 8.30 a. m., and now, at 9 p. m., it has not arrived, and nothing has been heard of it. An engine was sent to ascertain the cause of the detention, and was fired upon by the insurgents, and obliged to return without accomplishing its object.

The prison here has been fortified by surrounding it at some distance with sugar hogsheads, set on end and filled with earth. The "pass" of the river (ford) is defended by the guards with a field-piece.

The rebels have destroyed several bridges between this and Las Cruces, thus interrupting our railroad communication with Cienfuegos.

A few days since a fight took place at Colonia de Santo Domingo, between the insurgents and the forces of the government, the result of which is not known, but believed to be important.

Should there be any disposable vessels of war of the United States at Havana or Matanzas, I think it would be favorable to American interests here to have an occasional visit from them during the present state of affairs.

I suppose no steps have been taken to allow the United States flag to be used here, as it is in Cardenas and Cienfuegos. If the place should be taken, it might, if it could be used, afford some protection to the families of foreigners.

I have the honor to accompany herewith a copy and translation of a document, purporting to be a decree of the Cuban insurgents assembly, abolishing slavery in this island.

The institution of slavery, introduced into Cuba by Spanish dominion, must be extinguished along with it. The assembly of representatives of the center, having in view the eternal principles of justice, in the name of liberty and the people that it represents, decrees:

.

1. Slavery is abolished.

2. The owners of those that have been slaves will be indemnified in due time.

3. All those who by this decree obtain their freedom will contribute their efforts to the independence of Cuba.

4. To this end, those who may be found apt and necessary for military service will enter our ranks, enjoying the same compensation and the same consideration as other soldiers of the liberal army.

5. Those who are not destined to military service will continue while the war lasts at the same labors in which they are now employed, to preserve estates in a productive condition, and thus provide subsistence to those who offer their blood to the cause of common liberty, a duty imperative alike on all those citizens now free, of whatever race, exempt from military service.

6. A special regulation will prescribe the details in regard to the execution of this decree.

Patria y Libertad, Camagney, February 26, 1869.

The assembly: Salvador de Cisñeros, Edwardo Agramonte, Ignacio Agramonte, Francisco Sanchez, Antonio Zambrana.

No. 51.

General A. CASTILLO.

No. 17.]

Mr. Hall to Mr. Hunter.

HABANA, March 27, 1869.

I have the honor to transmit herewith a copy and translation of the proclamation of Captain General Dulce, relative to vessels approaching the island with hostile intentions, having men, arms, or munitions of war on board.

I would respectfully call the particular attention of the department to the extraordinary features of this proclamation..

[Translation.-Official.]

SUPERIOR POLITICAL GOVERNMENT OF THE PROVINCE OF CUBA.

It being necessary for the better service of the state, and with the firm determination that the insurrection already held in check by the force of arms in the interior shall receive no exterior aid that may contribute to its prolongation, and to the ruin of property, industry, and commerce-using the extraordinary and discretional powers in me vested by the supreme government of the nation-1 decree the following:

Vessels which may be captured in Spanish waters or on the high seas near to the island having on board men, arms, and munitions, or effects that can in any manner contribute, promote, or foment the insurrection in this province, whatsoever their derivation and destination, after examination of their papers and register, shall be de facto considered as enemies of the integrity of our territory, and treated as pirates, in accordance with the ordinances of the navy.

All persons captured in such vessels, without regard to their number, will be immediately executed.

HAVANA, March 24, 1869.

No. 52.

DOMINGO DULCE.

Mr. Fish to Mr. Lopez Roberts.

WASHINGTON, April 3, 1869.

I am directed by the President of the United States to invite your serious attention, and through you that of your government, to a proclamation of his excellency the Captain General of Cuba, of the 24th of last month, an authentic copy of which has this day been received at this department.

That instrument, in its preamble, refers to the existing insurrection in Cuba, and declares that the measures which it proposes for the suppression of that insurrection are necessary for that purpose. Those measures are: "Vessels which may be captured in Spanish waters or on the high seas near to the island (Cuba) having on board men, arms, and munitions, or effects that can in any manner contribute to promote or foment the insurrection in this province, whatever their derivation or destination, after examination of their papers and register, shall be de facto considered as enemies of the integrity of our territory, and treated as pirates in accordance with the ordinances of the navy.

"All persons captured in such vessels, without regard to their number, will be immediately executed."

It is to be regretted that so high a functionary as the Captain General of Cuba should, as this paper seems to indicate, have overlooked the obligations of his government pursuant to the law of nations, and especially its promises in the treaty between the United States and Spain of 1795.

Under that law and treaty the United States expect for their citizens and vessels the privilege of carrying to the enemies of Spain, whether those enemies be claimed as Spanish subjects or citizens of other countries, subject only to the requirements of a legal blockade, all merchandise not contraband of war. Articles contraband of war, when destined for the enemies of Spain, are liable to seizure on the high seas, but the right of seizure is limited to such articles only, and no claim for its extension to other merchandise, or to persons not in the civil, military, or naval service of the enemies of Spain, will be acquiesced in by the United States. This government certainly cannot assent to the punishment by Spanish authorities of any citizen of the United States for the exercise of a privilege to which he may be entitled under public law and treaties.

It is consequently hoped that his excellency the Captain General of Cuba will either recall the proclamation referred to, or will give such instructions to the proper officers as will prevent its illegal application to citizens of the United States or their property. A contrary course might endanger those friendly and cordial relations between the two governments which it is the hearty desire of the President should be maintained.