Parliament in cases where it is thought fit that particular conditions should be inserted in the Bills to be enacted for the purpose of giving effect to the Resolutions. Perhaps I ought to remind my right hon. Friend (Mr. Bouverie) that, not in this case only, but that generally in the case of money grants, from the nature of our forms in preliminary Committee, we begin by making our grant in the widest terms, because it is not in the power of this House to make any extension of the Resolutions imposed by the Committee, and that any provision for limitation is always reserved for the subsequent stages of the Bill. In that manner it is proposed to proceed on the present occasion, and to follow the precedents afforded in the cases of the Crown Princess of Prussia and the Princess Alice -especially the latter, because there the analogy extends, even to the sum inserted in the Resolutions. My right hon. Friend suggests that it would be agreeable to the people of this country to provide for an absolute cessation of this annuity in the event of the arrival of a contingency to which he has alluded. I may again say that I would venture to recommend my right hon. Friend to see and to weigh any terms that may be inserted in the Bill before he forms a final judgment upon them. I will at once say that we are not prepared to insert such a clause in the Act, and on this one ground, which, I confess, appears to me to be absolutely conclusive that it will be impossible to define absolutely all the contingencies on which such a cessation ought to take place, if it is to take place at all, and that nothing could be more inconvenient than to refer to one such contingency, and thereby by implication to exclude every other. On that ground I hope my right hon. Friend will abandon that idea, and with respect to his approval or disapproval, that he will kindly look to the words in the Bill, and then form his judgment upon them.

annuity in the event of His Royal Highness becoming a foreign Sovereign. If they did not do that he thought they would not only place those who might sit in Parliament when that contingency arose in an invidious position, but would place His Royal Highness himself in an awkward situation. Any hon. Member might rise and propose the cessation of the annuity, and then a discussion would occur, which he thought would be unpleasant both to the House and the Royal Family. His Royal Highness would be placed in a very awkward position in having to defend his annuity after he had become a foreign Sovereign in the event of any one proposing that it should cease. He would, therefore, impress it upon the Government that they should look the question in the face as a matter of business, and decide upon it now, making up their minds when they introduced the Bill whether the annuity should be granted absolutely, or whether it should cease upon the contingency to which he had referred.

Resolution put, and agreed to.

Resolutions to be reported To-morrow.

MONUMENT TO

VISCOUNT PALMERSTON. Monument to Viscount Palmerston considered in Committee.

(In the Committee.)

THE CHANCELLOR OF THE EXCHE

QUER: Mr. Dodson-I rise, Sir, for the purpose of placing in your hands the Resolution of which I have given notice

"That an humble Address be presented to Her Majesty, praying that Her Majesty will give directions that a Monument be erected in the Collegiate Church of Saint Peter, Westminster, to the memory of the Right honourable Viscount Palmerston, with an inscription expressive of the Public admiration and attachment, and of the SIR GEORGE BOWYER said, he heavy loss which the Country has sustained by his thought that the observations of the right death; and to assure Her Majesty that this House hon. Gentleman the Member for Kilmar-will make good the expenses attending the same." nock (Mr. E. P. Bouverie) were entitled to great weight, and he did not think they had been adequately answered by the Chancellor of the Exchequer. It appeared to him that they ought to take one of two courses: either they should give the annuity absolutely and on the understanding that under no circumstances occurring in future should it cease, or else they should provide for the cessation of the

And, Sir, I need hardly say that I anticipate the unanimous assent and approval of the House. It is, indeed, true, and more than this, it is rather a marked feature of our habits, that the occasions on which Parliament has been asked to present addresses or to take other measures contemplating the erection of monuments at the public charge, for the Civil servants of the State, have been very rare. The general rule of

England is to leave it to friends and to the self in the feelings and the recollections impartial estimate of public opinion to de- of his countrymen, that have led to the termine upon and select those memorials making of this proposal. Sir, on this which may be due to the fame, the vir- occasion it would be an entire departure tues, and the performances of the dead. from usage, and from a usage founded But in certain cases Parliament has upon prudence, if I were to attempt by a thought fit, upon strong grounds, narrowly single word that I might say to make and well-defined, to depart from its usual this tribute the tribute of a Ministry or reserve, and to make the nation, through of a party, instead of being, as it really the medium of its vote, the organ for ex- is and should be, the tribute of a Parliapressing its opinion of those who have ment and a nation. I will refer but to passed from among us, by means of a public two points which I think were truly namonument. As far, Sir, as I know, there tional in the career of Lord Palmerston. have been within the last 100 years but It was his happy lot as Foreign Minister three of these monuments-three, I mean, and as Prime Minister of this country to as applicable to Civil servants of the State. be closely associated with that remarkIn the case of Lord Chatham and in that able extension of constitutional freedom of Mr. Pitt votes of this kind were passed, in Europe which has been among the and they were passed for men who, as happy characteristics of the present age. historical figures, tower above all their con- I need not speak of Belgium; I need not temporaries. It was done also in the case speak of the Peninsula; but as to Italy I of Mr. Percival, who, like Lord Chatham will venture to say that Lord Palmerston and Mr. Pitt, was Prime Minister of this was one of the first and most prophecountry, who lost his life in the actual dis- tic of those who in England discerned charge of his duty, in a manner to sig- the growing and gathering destinies of nalize the occasion which naturally drew that country; and I believe it would from Parliament some marked and striking not be extravagant to say that in that expression of the public feeling. In the kingdom his name may claim a place by case of Mr. Canning there was no public the side and on a level with that of her monument. Another method was adopted most distinguished patriots. It was the by the Government and the Parliament of lot of Lord Palmerston to be the Minister the day for testifying the sentiment which who brought to an honourable conclusion the nation entertained. And now, Sir, a war taxing severely the energies of his we come to the case of Lord Palmerston, country-a war undertaken for no narrow, and I think there can be little doubt-I selfish, or interested purposes, but aiming believe there can be no doubt in the minds solely at preventing a breach of those of any who hear me-that the Government principles which are necessary for the have judged wisely, and have but answered safety, the peace, and the well-being of the general anticipation, in the proposal Europe. It happened, and fortunately which they now make. Lord Palmerston, happened, that this war was arrested at like the three men whom I have named, an early stage-at a stage when the resowas Prime Minister of this country; and lution of the country was, as it were, but although he did not attain to that dignity stirred from its depths, and the resources until what is with most men the declining of the country were perfectly unbroken. age of three-score years and ten, yet long The English people were contented to stop before that time he had been one of the in their career, and to receive with entire most eminent, one of the most famous, of satisfaction the conclusion of a peace, mothe Civil servants of the State; and derate, wise, and considerate in its terms; after he had attained to it, it was his lot to and I believe I may say that they were hold it for a period of nearly ten years-led in no small degree to that favourable a period longer than that for which it had been held, I think, by any Prime Minister, except two, during a century. But it was not only the time for which he held that high dignity, although that of itself constitutes a marked distinction in the case of Lord Palmerston-it was the general position which he held in the view of the Parliament and the country, the place which he established for himThe Chancellor of the Exchequer

view of the negotiations and the termination of the war by the confidence which they reposed in the nobleman then at the head of the Government. But, Sir, there was another topic of life-long interest to Lord Palmerston, most thoroughly national in its character, most vitally associated with English history, which it would be unpardonable not to mention on this occasion. I mean the deep, the unfailing in

session of these powers, I must say I think there was no man whose inclination and whose habit were more fixed, so far as our discussions were concerned, in avoiding whatever tended to exasperate, and in having recourse to those means by which animosity might be calmed down. He had the power to stir up angry passions, but he chose, like the sea-god in the Eneid, rather to pacify.

"Quos ego-sed motos præstat componere fluctus."

terest which, at all times, and in every position, Lord Palmerston exhibited, not by words merely, but by actions, in the fate of the unhappy African race, whose history is for the most part written only in blood and in tears. It is needless to go back upon detail. Happily, as there is nothing more truly brilliant, so there is also nothing more conspicuous and better known in his career than the fact that in every step of negotiation and of policy the mind, the heart, and the voice of Lord Palmerston were ever enlisted on behalf of The position of Lord Palmerston in this that long down-trodden, but we trust at House was, I may add, not due to any length, rising race. While, Sir, I think laboured or artificial rhetorical effort. the House will agree with me that it is There are, however, many now present desirable to avoid all doubtful ground, I who recollect the Session of 1850, and yet presume to say that Lord Palmerston who then learnt to what a height of real had the reward of his untiring zeal, his and solid excellence the Parliamentary immense energy, and his long-continued oratory of Lord Palmerston could attain. labours in an amount of public admiration The occasion to which I refer was a great and attachment (to use the language em- one. We were all arrayed on one side or ployed in this Address)-I might perhaps the other. I myself was humbly placed substitute for attachment even a still in the ranks opposed to him; but I never warmer term-I certainly may say in ad- can forget the sentiments of admiration dition to admiration and attachment, in with which I-not differing from those an amount of public trust-such as upon around me, but merely sharing their opithe whole, when we consider its extension nion-listened to him throughout that throughout the country and its duration long summer night as with unparalleled over so many years, has surpassed that courage and with extraordinary clearness, which has fallen to the lot of any other force, and felicity of argument he went statesman of our time who has borne office point by point through the foreign policy under the Crown. It would be a great of England, that is to say, through the mistake to suppose that this attachment politics of the world, and satisfied the was limited to any class, any party, or House on the points of controversy which any portion of the community. It pre- had been raised. Sir, the character of vailed in the upper class, among the aris- Lord Palmerston as an orator-his chatocracy of the land, to whom by blood and racter as a statesman-his character as a by character Lord Palmerston belonged; man, are not to be determined by me. I it pervaded the powerful and intelligent cannot, however, help adverting to what I middle class of the country: it descended always regarded as one of the most reinto the ranks of humble and honest la-markable qualities of his speaking, though, bour. In all of these-nay, I would ven- perhaps, the words in which I express my ture to say, in all of these alike—his cha-idea on the subject may raise a smile, so racter and services were favourably and warmly appreciated, in, I believe, a higher degree and for a longer time than those of any other Civil servant of the Crown. Sir, in this place, too, it is impossible not to cast back a thought on the influence he here exercised. There was connected with that influence something which it would be unpardonable altogether to pass by. All who knew Lord Palmerston knew his genial temper and the courage with which he entered into the debates in this House; his incomparable tact and ingenuity-his command of fence-his delight - his old English delight-in a fair standup fight. Yet, notwithstanding the pos

much may they seem to wear the appearance of a simple matter of course. That which, in my opinion, distinguished Lord Palmerston's speaking from the oratory of other men, that which was its most remarkable characteristic, was the degree in which he said precisely that which he meant to express. I have never seen-I may be wrong, but I do not think I have ever seen that precision of measure-that strict identity between the process of the mind-which is during the address of a public speaker to his audience always in advance-and the terms and accents which the tongue employs for the purpose of conveying his meaaning to their intelli

gence, preserved and maintained so com- | puzzle in the case of Lord Palmerston is, pletely as in the case of Lord Palmerston. that this freedom from wrathful sentiment As I have already said, it is not our manner was not the result of painful effort, but to endeavour to draw a portrait of a de- the spontaneous fruit of the mind, the parted statesman on such occasions as the noble gift of the original nature-a gift present; and in this instance it is all too which, beyond all others, it is delightful soon to make any such attempt. That is to observe and to record in those to whom the business of the public opinion of the it belongs. It is delightful to remember it in country, and of those who will hereafter connection with him, who has been taken record the transactions of the times in from us, with whom we are no longer conwhich Lord Palmerston bore so conspicuous nected except in the endeavour to profit by and distinguished a part, and of whose his example wherever it can lead us in the history he made himself so essential and in- path of duty and right, and to bestow on separable a portion. But we have all seen, his memory that tribute of admiration and we must, I think, desire to record, and affection which it deserves at our now that it associates itself not merely hands. On these grounds, Sir, I venture with an admiring but somewhat of a to recommend the Resolution which I have tender feeling, the extraordinary courage risen to propose to the friendly and, I and the almost unexampled force of will think I may add, the warm and enthusiby means of which Lord Palmerston was astic notice and approval of this House. enabled to undertake for the first time the The rest I leave to the historian, who will office of Prime Minister and the leadership hereafter record more fully the deeds of of this House at the age of seventy, and Lord Palmerston, and, above all, to the to discharge the duties belonging to those admiring and affectionate recollection of a arduous positions until he had passed four- proud and grateful nation. The right hon. score years. For my own part, I cannot help Gentleman concluded by moving the folsaying that I believe they are mistaken lowing Resolution :who attribute only to the Providential blessing of a good constitution the ability of Lord Palmerston, while out of doors he performed the laborious duties of his high office, to set indoors to younger men the example of indefatigable attention to the public business. I am convinced it was the force of will, the sense of duty, and the determination not to give in, that enabled him to make himself a model for all of us who yet remain to follow him with feeble and unequal steps in the performance of some of the duties which it fell to his lot to discharge. His was that force of will which did not so much struggle against the infirmities of old age as repel them and keep them at a distance. One other quality there is which Lord Palmerston possessed which I may mention without the smallest risk of stirring up a single painful emotion, upon which it is most delightful to dwell, and which is the last I shall mention. It is this, that he had a nature incapable of enduring anger or the sentiment of wrath. There may be those who would lead us back to the old philosophical puzzle which many hon. Gentlemen must remember, that as there is no virtue without self-denial, and that as in a perfectly good man there is no self-denial needed to be virtuous, virtue dies at the moment when it attains its perfection. But the true answer to that The Chancellor of the Exchequer

That an humble Address be presented to Her Majesty, praying that Her Majesty will give directions that a Monument be erected in the Collegiate Church of Saint Peter, Westminster, to the memory of the Right honourable Viscount Palmerston, with an inscription expressive of the Public admiration and attachment, and of the heavy loss which the Country has sustained by his death; and to assure Her Majesty that this House will make good the expenses attending the

same.

MR. DISRAELI: I had hoped, Sir, that this Motion might have been seconded by some one who had the honour of sharing the private friendship of Lord Palmerston, and at the same time his political confidence. But as no one has risen, I cannot without great reluctance permit a proposal of this character to pass in absolute silence in this House, as if we on these Benches did not join in the Address to the Crown and the vote to which we are asked to assent with entire cordiality. Whatever differences of opinion there may be on political questions, the memory of sixty years of public service-always distinguished, sometimes illustrious-cannot be allowed to be cherished merely by an admiring or even a grateful country. It is under such circumstances most fitting and most proper that in the chief sanctuary of the realm there should be some outward and visible sign to preserve the memory of a statesman of whom it may be said that he

present Parliament I have already pre- JAMAICA GOVERNMENT BILL—[BILL 17.] sumed to speak of them; I will only say that they were most engaging. I trust, Sir, that the time may never come when the love of fame shall cease to be the sovereign passion of our public men. But, Sir, I still think that statesman is peculiarly to be envied who, when he leaves us, leaves not merely the memory of great achievements, but also the tender tradition of personal affection and social charm.