counties, such as Cork, Tipperary, Waterford,perty, and religion," and justly characDublin, is alarming, and it is day by day spread-terizes it as a conspiracy-I will not say dising more and more through every part of the country. But the most dangerous feature in the countenanced but reprobated by every one present movement is the attempt to seduce the who had anything to lose, and who has troops. Are we to allow these agents to go on any regard for authority and religion, instilling their poison into our armed force, upon irrespective of creed or class. That is a which our security mainly depends?" most satisfactory consideration for us in These attempts, as I have said before, dealing with this conspiracy. It shows have been successful to only a very limited that it is no social or political injustice and partial extent, but such as they are which has given rise to this conspiracy. they will, I fear, implicate certain persons The truth is, it is a conspiracy which emain consequences to them of the most nates from abroad. Its centre is in Ameserious character. The letter proceeds to rica, whence its agents and leaders have come to this country who are endeavouring by combined action to stir up the people to insurrection for the purpose of wresting Ireland from the British Crown.

say

"I feel confident that the suspension of the Habeas Corpus Act will have a most salutary effect. It is remarkable that our reports show that the Fenian leaders are saying that there is no time to lose, as if they delay the Act will be suspended. I trust that the Cabinet will not think me an alarmist. I have watched every symptom here for many months, and it is my deliberate conviction that no time should now be lost in sus

Let me allude to that great meeting which was held lately in Dublin, comprising men of different politics and different creeds-some supporters of the general policy of Government, others its opponents-but all uniting together in the expression of their alarm at the present state of things, and all pledging themselves as loyal subjects of the Crown to give every assistance to the Government, in putting down the conspiracy, and in restoring peace and security in Ireland.

pending the Act. I cannot be responsible for the safety of the country if power is not forthwith given to the government to seize the leaders. With that power I hope still to avert serious mischief. I most earnestly urge that the Bill for the suspension be brought in without delay." Sir, upon the receipt of that letter, I communicated at once with the noble Lord at the head of the Government, and asked that a Cabinet Council should be immediately sum- Sir, the disastrous consequences which moned. It was summoned, and took this must follow from such a state of things as letter into consideration. We felt it to be now exists, should it remain unchecked, our imperative duty-a duty from which are too obvious to require me to dwell on we could not shrink-immediately to lay them. It must paralyze industry; must these facts before the House of Commons, deter capital from coming into the counand to invite them to concur in granting try; must check every development of those powers which the Lord Lieutenant its resources; and prevent every pracand his advisers, and Her Majesty's ticable improvement in its condition. It Government deem absolutely essential for the safety of the country.

Sir, there is one consideration of a very satisfactory nature connected with this mat

ter.

This conspiracy differs from other conspiracies which have existed in Ireland in this that it embraces within its sphere, I believe, no persons of any position or influence in the country-I mean, of course, no persons who, from their position among their countrymen, are entitled to any just influence. I think the paragraph in the Queen's Speech most justly describes this conspiracy. It is one not for a repeal of the Union, retaining the connection of Ireland with the British Crown, or any legislative change, but one the avowed object of which is to wrest Ireland from the British Crown, and transfer it in subjection to some foreign Power. That Speech describes it as a conspiracy against authority, proSir George Grey

is most important, therefore, for the interests of the country, that the conspiracy should be checked. All I ask this House to do is to judge for themselves whether, from what I have stated, and from their own knowledge of the facts, it is not notorious and patent that a conspiracy, dangerous to the peace and destructive to the interests of Ireland, exists in that country; whether the Government have zealously, and energetically exerted the powers at present vested in them by the law in endeavouring to check this conspiracy; and then, if that be so, whether I have not made a sufficient case to justify me in coming to Parliament and asking for additional powers by which this conspiracy may be put down. If the House is satisfied that there is good cause for the proposals I have made, let me add one word more. I trust hon.

Motion made, and Question proposed. "That leave be given to bring in a Bill to empower the Lord Lieutenant or other Chief Govertain, for a limited time, such persons as he or nor or Governors of Ireland to apprehend and dethey shall suspect of conspiring against Her Majesty's Person and Government."—(Sir G. Grey.)

Members will feel that it is important that the powers asked for should be placed in the hands of the Government with the least possible delay, because the object in view might be defeated by delay. The Government make this proposal upon their own responsibility; and it is now for the MR. DISRAELI: Sir, I listened with House of Commons, looking to the great much concern to the notice given by the interests at stake and to the important ob right hon. Gentleman the Secretary of ject to be attained, to decide whether they State yesterday, and I have heard his will share with the Government the respon narrative this morning with unaffected sibility of giving to the Government of auxiety. For a Government to come forIreland the power asked for, to enable it ward to suspend the most precious constito deal effectually with this evil. I trust tutional right of the people is an act which hon. Members will feel I have made out a requires on their part the greatest coursufficient case for the proposal of the Go- age; and if a Parliament concede such vernment. No Government, as I have a measure it is obvious that it must be already said, ought lightly to make such done with the utmost reluctance. I, therea proposal; no man ought individually fore, cannot agree with some expressions to support it unless convinced of its ne- of opinion that I have listened to-that cessity; and no House of Commons Her Majesty's Ministers should be blamed should-and I am sure none would because they have hesitated in comlightly, and on insufficient grounds, place ing forward to make this proposition. such power in the hands of the Govern- If, indeed, this were the occasion on which ment. I trust, however, that if the House to criticise the conduct of Her Majesty's feels it essential, with a view to the Government with regard to their adminis security of Ireland, it will arm the Go-tration of Irish affairs, I would rather myself vernment with the power requisite to coun- have touched upon the delay, the hesitation, teract and suppress as wicked a conspiracy and the want of prescience and energy as was ever conceived, audaciously pro- which have been exhibited by Her Majesty's moted by men who know how to keep Government with respect to these matters within the limits of the law and not expose on preceding occasions. For example, it was themselves to its penalties, and thus to only last year that an act was repealed protect Ireland from the disasters and under which Her Majesty's Ministers might horrors of insurrection. It is not with a have obtained all the powers that are now view to punishment, but with a view to necessary, without having recourse to Parprevention, that this power is asked for.liament, under the pressure of the extreme The effect of its being exercised with the discretion upon which we can rely, will be to frustrate the mad attempt to stir up insurrection. It will afford the most effectual check-indeed, the only effectual check-upon the proceedings of the emissaries of sedition and treason in Ireland. We propose to limit the operation of the Bill to six months, ending on the 1st of September, a period which we hope will be sufficient to accomplish the object in view; and Parliament will have an opportunity before it separates to consider whether it is necessary-which, I trust, it will not be to leave that power in the hands of the Government for a longer period. Sir, I have now to move that leave be given to bring in a Bill to empower the Lord Lieutenant or other Chief Governor or Governors of Ireland to apprehend and detain for a limited time such persons as he or they shall suspect of conspiring against Her Majesty's Person and Government.

circumstances which now exist. The Members of the present House, who were Members of the last Parliament, will recollect that an Act-an antiquated Act of Parliament called the Rapparee Act was repealed during the last Session. That was an Act of the reign of Queen Anne. I believe there was no objection from any party in this House to concede the repeal of an Act which was entirely obsolete, and which was totally unworthy of this country. But during the passing of that Act—a clause from a comparatively modern Act of Parliament-I believe the 50 Geo. III-which was inserted during the progress of the Bill, was also repealed. Under that clause I believe the Government of the Queen possessed, and might have exercised, all those powers which are necessary, without the necessity of coming forward to ask, I admit with due reason, this infraction of the Constitution of the realm. I consider that Parliament is entitled to some further explanation on this point from Her Majesty's

ral character to all of us ? Her Majesty's vernment of which he is a Member, has Government asks us to legislate upon called us together on an unusual day and events and circumstances of which we our- at an unusual hour, to consider a proposiselves are the competent judges. They tion of the greatest magnitude, and which do not come here as in old days with a we are informed is one of extreme urgency. conspiracy in a green bag to startle the If it be so, I hope it will not be understood country by sudden revelations into violent that we are here merely to carry out the courses. They have given us a statement behests of the Administration; and that we of the condition of a portion of Her are to be permitted, if we choose, to observe Majesty's dominions of which we, from upon this measure, and if possible to say our own experience, are competent judges. something which may mitigate the apparent I do not for one moment question the harshness of the course which the Governauthenticity of the statement made by the ment feels itself compelled to pursue. It Secretary of State, and I cannot for a is now more than twenty-two years since I moment hesitate as to the course I shall was first permitted to take my seat in this pursue with regard to it. But if the House. During that time I have on many House consent, as I hope it will-and con- occasions, with great favour, been allowed sent unanimously-to this proposition; if to address it, but I declare that during the we are prepared to give the Ministry whole of that period I have never risen to with respect to this, and to all arrange- speak here under so strong a feeling, as a ments connected with this subject, a unani- Member of the House, of shame and of mous and unwavering support, I would humiliation, as that by which I feel myself impress also upon the House the immense oppressed at this moment. The Secretary importance of the utmost promptitude of of State proposes as the right hon. Genaction. It is not merely that prompti- tleman himself has said-to deprive no intude of action may prevent immediate considerable portion of the subjects of the and future calamity and mischief, but Queen-our countrymen, within the United if Parliament be unanimous in support- Kingdom-of the commonest, of the most ing Her Majesty's Ministers in this pro- precious, and of the most sacred right of position, and prompt in carrying the the English Constitution, the right to their measure into effect, there is a propor- personal freedom. From the statement of tionately better chance of diminishing the the Secretary of State it is clear that this period during which this exceptional state is not asked to be done, or required to be of affairs is to continue. It is therefore in done, with reference only to a small section the interest of the liberty of Ireland itself; of the Irish people. He has named great it is in favour of its freedom and the con- counties, wide districts, whole provinces, tinuance of its privileges; that I say it is over which this alleged and undoubted disour duty and our policy if we consent, as affection has spread, and has proposed that I doubt not we shall consent to the mea- five or six millions of the inhabitants of the sure of the Government, that we should United Kingdom shall suffer the loss of that support those regulations by which the right of personal freedom that is guaranpassage of this measure shall be carried teed to all Her Majesty's subjects by the without a moment's delay. I trust that Constitution of these realms. Now, I do the House will, by its cordial and unani- not believe that the Secretary of State has mous support of the Government, show to overstated his case for the purpose of inEurope that we are resolved to maintain ducing the House to consent to his prothe Majesty of the Crown of England, and position. I believe that if the majority of that the people of this country-prepared the people of Ireland, counted fairly out, as they are on all occasions to legislate had their will, and if they had the power, for their fellow-subjects in Ireland in a they would unmoor the island from its fastspirit of conciliation and of justice-areenings in the deep, and move it at least resolved that no foreign conspiracy shall deprive Her Majesty of one of the most valuable portions of her dominions.

2,000 miles to the West. And I believe, further, that if by conspiracy, or insurrection, or by that open agitation to which MR. BRIGHT: I owe an apology to alone I ever would give any favour or the Irish Members for stepping in to make consent, they could shake off the authoan observation to the House on this ques- rity, I will not say of the English Crown, tion. My strong interest in the affairs of but of the Imperial Parliament, they their country, ever since I came into Par- would gladly do so. An hon. Member liament, will be my sufficient excuse. The from Ireland a few nights ago referred Secretary of State, on the part of the Go-to the character of the Irish people. Ile

land. One of them was the measure of 1829, for the emancipation of the Catholics and to permit them to have seats in this House. But that measure, so just, so essential, and which, of course, is not ever to be recalled, was a measure which the chief Minister of the day, a great soldier, and a great judge of military matters, admitted was passed in the face of the menace of, and only because of, the danger of civil war. The other two measures to which I have referred are the measure for the relief of the poor, and the measure for the sale of the incumbered estates; and those measures were introduced to the House and passed through the House in the emergency of a famine more severe than any that has desolated any Christian country of the world within the last 400

Except on these two emergencies

said, and I believe it is true, that there is no Christian nation with which we are acquainted amongst the people of which crime of the ordinary character, as we reckon it in this country, is so rare as it is amongst his countrymen. He might have said, also, that there is no people-whatever they may be at home-more industrious than his countrymen in every other country but their own. He might have said more; that they are a people of a cheerful and joyous temperament. He might have said more than this-that they are singularly grateful for kindnesses shown to them, and that of all the people of our race they are filled with the strongest sentiment of veneration. And yet, with such materials, and with such a people, after centuries of government-after sixty-five years of govern-years. ment by this House-you have them em- I appeal to every Irish Member, and to bittered against your rule, and anxious every English Member who has paid any only to throw off the authority of the Crown attention to the matter, whether the stateand Queen of these realms. Now, this is ment is not true that this Parliament has not a single occasion we are discussing. done nothing for the people of Ireland. This is merely an access of the complaint And, more than that, their complaints Ireland has been suffering under during have been met-complaints of their sufferthe lifetime of the oldest man in this House, ings have been met-often by denial, often of chronic insurrection. No man can deny by insult, often by contempt. And within this. I dare say a large number of the the last few years we have heard from Members of this House had, at the time to this very Treasury Bench observations with which the right hon. Member for Bucking-regard to Ireland which no friend of Irehamshire referred, heard the same speech land or of England, and no Minister of on the same subject, from the same Minis- the Crown, ought to have uttered with ter to whom we have listened to-day. [Sir regard to that country. Twice in my G. GREY: No!] I certainly thought I heard Parliamentary life this thing has been the right hon. Gentleman the Secretary done-at least, by the close of this day of State for the Home Department make will have been done-and measures of rea speech before on the same question, but pression-measures for the suspension of he was a Minister of the Government on the civil rights of the Irish people-have whose behalf a similar speech was made on been brought into Parliament and passed the occasion referred to, and no doubt con- with extreme and unusual rapidity. I curred in every word that was uttered by his have not risen to blame the Secretary of Colleague. Sixty-five years ago this coun- State, or to blame his Colleagues for the try undertook to govern Ireland. I will say act of to-day. There may be circumstances nothing of the manner in which that duty to justify a proposition of this kind, and I was brought upon us-except this-that am not here to deny that these circumit was by proceedings disgraceful and cor- stances now exist; but what I complain of rupt to the last degree. I will say nothing is this: there is no statesmanship merely of the pretences under which it was brought in acts of force and acts of repression. about but this-that the English Parlia-And more than that, I have not observed ment and people, and the Irish people, too, since I have been in Parliament anything were told, if you once get rid of the Irish on this Irish question that approaches to Parliament it will dethrone for ever Irish the dignity of statesmanship. There has factions, and with a united Parliament we been, I admit, an improved administration shall become a united, and stronger, and in Ireland. There have been Lord-Lieuhappier people. Now, during these sixty- tenants anxious to be just, and there is five years and on this point I ask for the one there now who is probably as anxious attention of the right hon. Gentleman (Mr. to do justice as any man. We have obDisraeli) who has just spoken-there are served generally in the recent trials a betonly three considerable measures which Par- ter tone and temper than were ever witliament has passed in the interests of Ire-nessed under similar circumstances in Ire

Mr. Bright