position to form an opinion; and that being compensation provided by the Bill for the case, he thought it better that he should diseased animals slaughtered was twoleave all other topics to Her Majesty's thirds of the value, when that sum did not Government, who had the best means of exceed £20. But what were the necesinformation, and who were responsible sary conditions to render that sum a just for the failure or success of the measures compensation? It was that the animal they might introduce. There was one should have two chances out of three of question, however, which it required no surviving, because if it had a less chance agricultural or special knowledge to under- of recovery than this, the owner would stand-that of compensation-it was a be an absolute gainer by the compensapurely economical question, and upon this tion he would receive on its slaughter by part of the Bill alone he thought himself authority. The value of an animal in competent to speak. This question had the market was its value in its existing been raised by his hon. Friend the Mem-condition; unless, therefore, the marketber for Birmingham, and as his hon. able value of an animal after infection Friend had been rather severely dealt was two-thirds of its value when healthy, with by the right hon. Gentleman behind the compensation proposed by the Bill was him (Mr. Lowe), he thought that any one excessive. Whatever the chances were who shared the sentiments of his hon. of the animal's surviving, that would be Friend would be acting unworthily if he the measure of compensation which a did not stand forward and avow them. reasonable person would propose. He He did not object to the principle of com- came now to another question-in what pensation, but he did object, in the highest manner, and at whose expense, the funds degree, to the amount proposed in the Bill, for compensation ought to be raised. In and to the manner in which it was pro- order to judge of that, they ought to conposed to be provided. It was perfectly sider what would be the natural working true, as his right hon. Friend (Mr. Lowe) of economical laws, supposing no compenhad pointed out, that the farmers were sation were granted at all. If, setting to receive compensation, not for their aside merely momentary effects, they took losses as such, but for what they lost into consideration the ultimate, and indeed through the interference of the Govern- speedy, result, there could be no doubt ment. He (Mr. J. S. Mill) quite agreed that that in whatever proportion the supply there could not be a more just claim for of cattle was diminished, in that procompensation than this; and, moreover, portion the price would be enhanced; and, the grant of it was expedient on account therefore, in the end, the whole burden of the inducement it would give not to of the loss would be borne, not by the proevade the provisions of the Act. He quite ducer, but the consumer. Farmers and adopted the conclusion of his right hon. landlords would indeed suffer, but only Friend, that the farmers who might be to the same extent as other members of the owners of diseased cattle ought not to the community-that is to say, as conbe placed under the temptation of conceal- sumers. As far as it was the whole coming the fact. But, on the other hand, the munity which suffered, no class of the more reason there was for granting com- community, as a class, had the smallest pensation, the more necessity was there for claim to compensation from the rest. taking care that the compensation should Some, indeed, were less able to bear the loss not be excessive. If, on the one hand, the than others, and it would not have been owner were not to be compensated at all for surprising if a proposal had been made to his loss, there was a strong inducement for compensate them; but now, on the conhim to do, what it was the very object of trary, it was proposed to tax them, in this Bill to prevent him from doing-order to compensate those who were able namely, to keep the infected animals as to bear the loss much better. It appeared long as possible, and thus to be the means to him that the farmers as a class had of propagating the infection. If, on the no claim whatever to compensation, and other hand, the compensation were exces- the only reason for granting compensation sive, an inducement would exist to be at all was, not that the loss fell peculiarly careless as to the spread of the disease; upon the agricultural interest, but because because if his animals on becoming in- it fell upon that interest with such extreme fected were ordered to be slaughtered, inequality. He apprehended that in real he knew that he should get an exag- justice the compensation ought to be paid gerated compensation for them. The to the less fortunate by the more fortunate

Now, Sir, I confess that it appears to me a | is no beef for him to have, if Continental narrow view to treat this as a question Governments prevent him from having acaffecting merely the agricultural interest. cess to the supplies, I want you to consider I believe if it had been we should not have how far the interests and the tranquillity had so much of it in this House. We of this country may not be compromised by have had many questions of the interests the neglect which you are now invited to apof the country before now, which have re- prove. It is on the ground that any negceived the special consideration of Parlia- lect on your part will assuredly strike the ment. When the interests of Ireland consumer quite as much as it will the procalled for the granting national aid, the ducer that I ask you to regard the question House came to their support; and when of compensation, not as an agricultural, the cotton interest was in difficulties, we but as a national question. Now, I would very justly enabled the distressed popula-like to pass a few remarks on the Governtion to seek relief in great part from the agricultural parishes to which they belonged. No one complained of injustice in those instances; it was felt that great interests were at stake, and that we ought not to look too closely into any relief which we could afford. But I assert that these arguments and considerations do not arise in the present case. It is not a case for the agriculturists, but for the whole country. The hon. Member for Westminster justly said, that if this disease went on at its present or an increase ratio the price of meat would rise; but have you at all measured the height to which it may rise? The other day I was in Belgium, and I there discussed the question with some Members of the Legislative Assembly of that country. They told me, I am happy to say, that hitherto the pressure has not been too severely felt; but they added that the demands from England were becoming so great, and the pressure on their own working classes was becoming so keen, that the idea had been seriously entertained by more than one Continental Government checking, or even of prohibiting altogether the export of cattle. Now, it is well known that, though the Continental Governments may treat the interests of some classes very cavalierly, they look most attentively to the wants of their own working population. If they see anything like famine, and apprehend those disturbances which are there the result of famine, they will not be deterred by any scruple from adopting any measures they may think necessary. If it should come to pass that the enormous slaughter or death of cattle in this country should so tax the resources of Continental nations as materially to raise the price of meat, you may depend upon it that the export of cattle will be checked, and it is then you will find what the cattle plague really means. We were told the other night by the Secretary of State that the working man will have beef; but if there

ment Bill. I quite agree with the right hon. Member for Calne (Mr. Lowe) that we ought not to look too narrowly into details, but apply ourselves to principles; and I am disposed to adopt the view of the hon. Member for North Lincolnshire on the first night of the Session, that there has been sufficient criticizm for the past. I will not therefore go into the consideration of what the Government has or has not done. But I cannot help looking upon this Bill, not as the fruit of the mature deliberation of the whole recess, but rather as a flash of genius-a bright idea-which has swept across the mind of the Home Secretary within the last few days. The period of an inspiration is always difficult to fix, but, if I said Saturday evening last or Monday morning, I do not think I should be far wrong. I am ready to give credit for the best intentions, and for the utmost sincerity, but the Bill bears strong marks of inevitable haste, which is always a defect even in the greatest writers of genius. My objection is one of principle-I indicated it the other night with great accuracy when I referred to the jurisdiction exercised by the local authorities. The right hon. Gentleman has paid what seems to me an ill-timed respect to the jurisdiction of the local authorities. If the Bill merely concerned counties, there would be a great deal to say against it; but, at least, it would be dealing with large geographical districts, and, to a certain extent, it might be defended on the ground that large districts might be left to large local authorities. But in this Bill "local authorities" means the mayor and corporation of a borough or petty town that possesses them, who are to have undisputed jurisdiction over the traffic in their own district, so as to stop it or not as they think fit. Now, I want you to consider how the Bill will work with respect to counties if this jurisdiction is left to petty boroughs. According to the Bill any animals may be sent to the boroughs with

a licence from the mayor; and when there | given each local authority the power of they have unlimited power to go out again, stopping the traffic by any railway that unless either the local authority declares passes through the locality. Suppose the borough an infected district, or unless Huntingdon were declared to be an infected they cannot obtain from the inspector ap-district, the effect would be to tie a tourni pointed by the local authorities power to quet round the Great Northern Railway; go out. Now, there is not the least proba- or Reading, for instance, would produce the bility that the borough authorities will be same effect in reference to the Great forward to declare their borough an infected Western Railway; and thus, by this superdistrict, and they have no inducement to stitious reverence for local authorities, you do so. A large number of their popula- would destroy the object you have in view. tion live on the trade in meat, and much It appears to me that there are two classes, of that trade would be stopped if no in- the interests of one or other of which might gress or egress were permitted. It is have been consulted in the Bill now before quite true that markets for store cattle the House. The Government might have are prohibited, and markets for fat cattle consulted the interests of the producers, by in the boroughs which are declared to be entirely prohibiting the transfer of cattle. infected. But egress and ingress are not They might have consulted the interests of prohibited unless the borough is declared the consumers, by imposing no restrictions to be an infected district. Now, what will on the transfer of cattle-by leaving it as be the effect? Take an instance from free as it has heretofore been. But neither a county of which I know nothing-the of these things has been done by the Gocounty of Kent. Take Maidstone, Ro- vernment Bill-in fact, the effect of the Bill chester, and Canterbury-they form a would be to place the utmost difficulty in triangle, and are connected with each other the way of the cattle reaching the consumer, by a railway; and unless the local authori- while it gave every facility for the rinderties declare them infected, it will be com- pest reaching the cattle. I hope the right petent under this Bill for persons to send hon. Gentleman will take into his serious cattle from borough to borough along the consideration the Resolutions adopted at the railways; there will be nothing to prevent meeting held yesterday. That meeting them, they will have only to obtain the was certainly no party demonstration. That licence from the local authorities, and as meeting was presided over by Earl Spencer; the latter have no interest in stopping them, a Resolution was moved by Lord Grey, and the licence will be easily obtained. Now, strongly supported by Lord Lichfield. It consider the condition of the country dis- was no party movement-it was a genuine tricts which lie within that triangle. They expression of the views of the country are defending a besieged fortress; they are gentlemen and farmers on the subject of keeping out the rinderpest by every means the cattle plague. I complain, that in the in their power, and you are giving them a Government Bill far too much regard has frontier which would tax an empire to de- been paid to traditional jurisdictions. The fend. Remember, it is not only the rinder- right hon. Gentleman does not realize the pest you have to cope with-that would be fact that the infection is a question of bad enough, with its thousand centres of geography and not of traditional jurisdicinfection, and the lines of railway-but you tion. In ordinary cases, when dealing with have to deal with the human friends of the men and their long-rooted feelings and opirinderpest; you have to resist what will nions, it is very well to deal gently with tradiinevitably arise, a gigantic system of smug- tional jurisdictions; but the rinderpest is not gling on the part of abandoned persons, of human origin, and has no respect for longwhose object will be to evade and defeat rooted feelings. In dealing with such an your legislation by every means in their extraordinary event, we should legislate power. Your object is to frame a Bill boldly and firmly, entirely regardless of all which will defeat their object. Now, it so human prejudices and feelings. When happens that it is not the country districts such a calamity as this falls upon our which are defending their cattle that will country, we must deal with it as we would suffer. The right hon. Gentleman fears with an enemy in the field. It is absurd he will destroy the supply of meat to the to expect that we can put a stop to the great towns, and thus interfere with the rinderpest by paying respect to the opinions food of large populations. But I do not of every country parish, and balancing the think he has sufficiently understood the claims of one little village against another. bearing of his Bill on that point, for he has We should deal with the cattle plague as Viscount Cranbourne

we would if a French marshal landed in, occasion, compensation had been given to this country at the head of 100,000 soldiers. the owners of cattle, it was enacted that The right hon. Gentleman has already the animal for which compensation was shown great facility of conversion; I hope that he will be still further converted, that he will abandon his first hasty resolves, and that he will make such changes in the Bill as to render the action of the Government in this important matter at once comprehensive, prompt, and uniform.