prevail in Europe, and that civilization was given under the influence of a panic; will spread throughout the world. With the colonists were under the impression Austria we have recently entered into a that a race three times their number was Treaty of Commerce-a treaty which bene- preparing to destroy them en masse, and fits this country by extending its commer- with the remembrance of the previous cial relations, and by opening a new field outbreak of 1831, and with the example to mercantile adventure, and which, above of Hayti before their eyes, they might not all, marks the first success achieved by the unnaturally be induced to exaggerate principles of free trade against the strong- their danger-if they did exaggerate ithold of the protective system. and in the fulness of their gratitude to justify any measures which had been the means of effectually averting it. In the other case, men have ventured, upon the most imperfect evidence, to pass sentence on events which occurred 5,000 miles from these shores under a set of conditions of which they have never had the slightest experience. From their own position of security they have rashly condemned the measures of those who were acting under the belief that their lives and properties were in hourly danger. Under these circumstances, my Lords, and allowing that prima facie Governor Eyre's measures seem to be unnecessarily severe, there was but one course for Her Majesty's Government to pursue; and this course they have adopted. A judicious and carefully selected Commission, with Sir Henry Storks at its head-a man of acknowledged administrative power, and of a character abovo all unfairness or partiality- has been sent out to investigate the circumstances of the case. To enable this Commission fully and impartially to perform its duties, Governor Eyre has been temporarily su perseded a step which has been the subject of adverse criticism, but which was, under the circumstances, absolutely necessary, and which in no way prejudges the case or throws any stigma on the Governor's conduct. When this inquiry is completed, and the whole circumstances are laid before you, it will remain with your Lordships to condemn or approve the measures of the Jamaica Executive, as the case may be:-while it is still pending, it cannot but be unfair to express a decided opinion either way.

My Lords, the questions relating to our colonial policy have already been so ably treated by the noble Marquess who has just sat down that I need detain your Lordships but a very short time with them. The colonies are generally prosperous, and the more tranquil condition of New Zealand has warranted the withdrawal of a large proportion of Her Majesty's troops. But there is one deplorable exception to this general rule, which affects not less the welfare of an important colony than the reputation for justice and integrity of the mother country itself. My Lords, the facts of the Jamaica outbreak are still involved in obscurity. How far there was an organized rebellion among the black population of the island-how far that rebellion was the result of the previous unfair administration and tyrannical conduct of the white race-and, lastly, how far the emergency justified the apparently extreme severity of the execution-are questions which, I would humbly suggest, we are as yet not in a position to answer. Two diametrically opposite opinions seem to prevail on the opposite shores of the Atlantic. In Jamaica itself there is apparently a universal conviction that a widelyramified conspiracy had been organized by the black population for the purpose of annihilating the white, and that the events at Morant Bay were but a premature outbreak of a general rebellion; and, further, the feeling seems generally to prevail that the Governor was not merely justified in his conduct, but that, for the energy with which he suppressed the outbreak, he deserved the gratitude of the whole island. In this country, on the other hand, large classes of men have most unfairly prejudged the whole question. Upon the most insufficient evidence they have condemned Governor Eyre-they have condemned him without a hearing-the very crime which they impute to him in his dealings with the negroes; and in some cases deny that there was any organized conspiracy at all. Both these opinions are equally unsatisfactory. In one case the opinion The Earl of Morley

There remain three subjects of the most vital importance connected with the home policy of this country, in consideration of which I venture to make a still further claim on your Lordships' indulgence. In Ireland, my Lords, revolutionary schemes have again been brought to light-schemes. which though they may be wanting in every essential element of success have yet been productive of considerable annoyance, and may temporarily retard the

rapid development of the resources and as it was, was not absolutely perfect; and, the industry of the island. Fenianism moreover, since those days the condition is a vibration of the vast movements of the middle and lower classes of society which have recently agitated the Trans- has undergone a very considerable change. atlantic States. Five years or more has Education and culture have in that period it been in coming to maturity, and now made rapid strides, and have extended their its promoters have doubtless been en- influence to numbers who before scarcely couraged to persist in their designs by the felt their effects at all. And so, my Lords, delusive hope that the termination of the experience has shown, and all parties agree war in America would be the signal for a in admitting, that there are inequalities rupture with this country-a hope which and defects of one kind or another in our I trust and believe is doomed to lasting present system of representation. The disappointment. However annoying the correction of these defects has constantly schemes of the revolutionary brotherhood been the subject of debate; during the may be, there are, at all events, many cir- last fourteen years no less than four difcumstances which, if we compare the ferent measures for Reform have been inpresent with previous outbreaks of 1798 troduced; they have successively been reor 1848, cannot fail to quiet any alarm we jected or withdrawn, and have left the may feel on their account. In the first question at issue in as vague and uncerplace, the Fenians are countenanced by no tain a condition as they found it. Surely, religious party whatever the parson and my Lords, it is high time that measures the priest unite in denouncing them. In were taken to arrive at some definite the second place, it is remarkable that no conclusion on this all-important point? persons of education, of property, of wealth, Surely, it is at once below the digor of respectability are to be found in their nity of the Legislature, and contrary to ranks. All men possessed of these advan- the wishes of the nation, that a question tages are prepared to resist any outbreak which so nearly affects the interests of all which may occur. Lastly, the honesty its classes should any longer remain withand courage with which the Irish juries out solution. Such a solution, however, have performed their duty gives us at once is not to be found in abstract principles or the best proof of the loyalty that prevails in political theories, but in the dictates of among the respectable classes in Ireland, practical sense, in wide experience, and in and the surest grounds for confidence that accurate knowledge of the particular cirthe authority of the law will remain un- cumstances of the case, guided by statistiimpaired. I need scarcely say how much cal information; and this information Her is due to the judicious and energetic con- Majesty's Government are at the present duct of the Dublin Executive. They time carefully collecting in as precise and allowed the conspiracy to assume assail- accurate a form as the means which they able dimensions before they interfered; have in their power will enable them to but, at the same time, did not postpone that do. And this will form a solid basis for interference until it ceased to be amenable the measure, whatever be its nature, to the power of the law, and could only be which will be brought before your Lordsuppressed by the power of the sword. ships' House. Guarding against the danger This unhappy conspiracy has been through- of subverting the existing order of things, out treated as a matter which should ex- and creating confusion in the political and cite neither our alarm nor our contempt; mercantile interests of the Kingdom, I and, thus treated, there can, I trust, be no trust that, when the time comes, your reason to doubt that before long it will Lordships will give your sanction and apsuccumb before the triple authority of law, proval to some well-considered measure of property, and religion. Reform which may tend to correct or to modify any existing anomalies, and to add vigour and stability to the institutions of the country.

My Lords, the second of these questions which is alluded to in Her Majesty's Speech, and which is of such great importance that I venture to approach it only with con- There is still one question of the most siderable diffidence, is the great constitu- serious importance on which I will venture tional question of Reform. Scarcely any a few remarks, and then I will cease to one would, I think, venture to maintain trespass any further on your Lordships' that the present system of the representa- patience. Our nation is at the present tion of the people in Parliament is fault- moment suffering from the effects of a less. The Bill passed in 1832, beneficial national calamity. The cattle plague

which visited this country in the middle co-operation and by uniform and stringent of the last century has again re-appeared action obviate the necessity for the interamong our herds, and the fearful rapidity ference of the central power. It has been with which it is spreading may reasonably maintained that the emergency has already excite the greatest alarm among all classes demanded this interference on the part of of society. The rapidity of its progress, the central power. But it must be rememand deadliness of its effects, are but too bered that circumstances differ in different clearly indicated by the simple facts of the localities, and that any uniform measure case. In June there was but one spot in- applied to the whole country would fall fected by the disease; there are now more very differently on different places. The than 13,000. The number of new cases farmers and landowners of Cheshire and which occurred during the past week, Yorkshire would welcome any measures amounting to 11,000, exceed by 1,000 of however a stringent and universal a those that were reported for the whole character; but the twenty-three counties month of November. And, again, the in this island which are as yet free from Returns of last week show an increase of the disease, and the large towns which are 1,400 on the week immediately preceding still well supplied with meat, would not it. Already 120,000 animals, if the Re- receive them with such unqualified apturns can be trusted, have been attacked, proval, nor would they in any way coand of these 90,000 have either died or operate in enforcing them; and, further, been killed. These figures disclose a most it has always been a principle in this alarming state of things. Medical science country to leave the management of has hitherto been completely baffled in its local affairs to local authorities, who are investigations. In all probability it was in supposed to be better acquainted with troduced into this country by some Dutch the peculiar circumstances of their case, cattle imported to the Metropolitan Market. and at the same time to have a greater And since it has been introduced, the interest in it, and consequently the central subtle and the deadly effects of the poison Government has not at its disposal all that it generates are but too well known to your organization which exists in so many ConLordships. There is scarcely any agency tinental States, to enable it to carry out of which it does not avail itself in its rapid stringently and effectually the measures it extension-the clothes of the herdsmen, deems expedient. These are serious, if sheep, dogs, birds, and even the wind not impassable, difficulties which hitherto itself, will carry the seeds of the distem- any uniform measure would have had to per for at least 200 yards; and, further, encounter. And I cannot but think that, the eccentric course which it often follows, of the two alternatives of employing cenleaving some spots, for no apparent reason, tral or local powers, Her Majesty's Gocompletely free, and attacking the adjoin-vernment chose the right, and, perhaps, the ing farms with the utmost violence, show its affinity to human epidemics and frustrate the investigations of science. As to remedies, we are no less at a loss. Each one may ascribe the recovery of the few cattle out of his herd to the cures which he himself employed. But in reality all the remedies and drugs which have hitherto been applied have proved equally ineffectual, and the hopes which were derived from the supposed affinity of the disease with small-pox seem doomed to like disappointment. Under these circumstances, several Orders in Council have been issued, empowering the local authorities to use such means as were deemed necessary to check the progress of the murrain, either by slaughtering infected animals or by stopping all cattle traffic within their district; and an Act is at the present moment prepared to give further powers to these local courts, who will, I trust, by mutual The Earl of Morley

only practicable one. It will remain with your Lordships to determine whether any further means are to be taken to check the rapid extension of the plague, and what the nature of these means should bewhether any uniform or partially uniform plan could be devised which could at once be carried into execution by the local authorities, and regulate their measures. There is, however, one source of consolation in this calamity-namely, that it has pleased Providence, in His mercy, to send it upon this country at a time when perhaps of all periods of its history it will be best able to bear it. It has visited us in a year of abundant harvest, and at a timę when commerce is more active and productive than ever it was before, and when the revenue, notwithstanding reductions in taxation, shows a balance of between two and three millions at a time, in fact, when this country has reached a height of

My Lords, my task is now accomplished. I have to the best of my power, however imperfectly that may be, touched upon the main topics of Her Majesty's Speech. All that remains for me now to do is to thank you most sincerely for the patient and indulgent hearing you have given to my remarks, and to conclude with a hope that the Address which I now have the honour of seconding may meet with your Lordships' unanimous approval. [See Page 33.]

prosperity almost unparalleled in the his- | one after the other were in themselves tory of the world. vague, unsatisfactory, and often contradictory of each other-they agree in nothing but in showing the evident determination of the Government to shift all responsi bility, as far as possible, from their own shoulders. Sometimes it has been placed upon the magistrates in petty sessions, and sometimes upon the magistrates in quarter sessions; but always it is to be remarked that the Government will not take the responsibility upon themselves. I may be told-indeed, we have been told by the noble Lord who seconded the Address-that the difficulties of the case were almost insuperable; that although the disease had appeared in England about a century ago, yet the experience then acquired as to its action had so died out that it must really be looked on as something new, and that all that the Government could do was to institute an inquiry into the matter, and that they had done all that was in their power. I, however, venture to question the correctness of that view. In the first place, a Committee had, in 1854, been appointed by the House of Commons to take into consideration a Bill which was then pending in that House-the Cattle Diseases Prevention Bill, and by that Committee a great deal of evidence was taken, Professor Simonds, among others, being one of the witnesses who was examined. Now, he found that Professor Simonds on that occasion stated that the rinderpest was a disease perfectly well known, and that he himself had seen it prevailing in Russia and Bavaria. He, moreover, described the steps which were taken in those countries as having proved perfectly satisfactory in preventing the spread of the plague. With such evidence before the Government, how is it possible, I will ask, to contend that the rinderpest is a thing with which we were altogether unacquainted? But I will go a step further, and remind the House that in September last a Royal Commission was appointed for the purpose of investigating the disease, and that a majority of that Commission reported at the end of October, in the strongest possible manner, in favour of stopping all communication in the way of the transit of cattle throughout the country. What has the Government done in consequence? Instead of adopting the stringent measures recommended by the Commission they have thrown the responsibility on the local authorities, and have refrained from doing anything themselves.

THE DUKE OF RUTLAND: My Lords, I have never before risen to address your Lordships on a similar occasion, but I trust I may now be allowed to address a few observations to your Lordships on one topic referred to in the Royal Speech, in which I, in common with Her Majesty's subjects at large, take the deepest interest-I allude to the cattle plague. To that one topic I will confine my observations. Before doing so, I beg to express my hearty concurrence in all that has fallen from the Mover and Seconder of the Address in those portions of their speeches in which they dwelt upon the pleasure which it must give your Lordships to find that Her Majesty has again opened Parliament in person, and the regret with which you must have heard of the death of the late Prime Minister, and of his Majesty the King of the Belgians. The cattle plague has, as the noble Earl who seconded the Address has observed, been raging in this country for more than six months; it has gone on increasing from month to month, and we had as yet found no means of repressing its virulence. As yet there has been found no specific remedy for the disease, and men of all shades of political opinion who have given their attention to the subject seem to have arrived at the conclusion that a system of prevention not of cure is that which alone it is practicable to adopt. That being so, I should like to ask what the Government has done in the matter? The answer is that they have done next to nothing. They have done almost worse than nothing. They have, it is true, issued a number of Orders in Council; but I believe that if the money expended on their issue had been laid out in taking effective measures to stop the disease and indemnifying the unfortunate sufferers from it, the cattle plague would be a thing of the past, and your Lordships would not that evening be engaged in discussing the subject. As it was, the Orders in Council which were sent out

"I trust that by the precautions suggested by experience and by the Divine blessing on the means which are now being employed its further extension may be arrested."

I venture to think that it would have been a preferable mode of expressing the sentiment if that part of the Speech in which Her Majesty is made to hope that "the Divine blessing on the means which are now being employed may arrest the further extension of the cattle plague" had preceded, instead of coming after, the mention of "the precautions suggested by experience." The next paragraph proceeds to state that

Yet they showed by their own conduct much of your time. Feeling, however, as that they were aware that the means I do, that the conduct of Her Majesty's which they declined to adopt were, in Government before and since the alarming reality, the most efficacious remedy for spread of this cattle plague is open to the disease; because there are two very grave censure, I am unwilling, on this ocremarkable instances in which they did | casion, to remain altogether silent. In the act, and acted with great rigour on that paragraphs in the Speech delivered by Her view, and with great success. One was Majesty which allude to the cattle plague, in the case of Ireland. There was, hap- I confess that I think the wording of the pily, no rinderpest there, and the Govern- last part of the first paragraph is somement very properly stopped the importa- what extraordinary. The passage to which tion of cattle into that country. It is I refer is that in which Her Majesty perfectly true that they did not do so says— without hesitation. When the Home Secretary first received a deputation on the subject, he said there were insuperable difficulties in the way of stopping the importation of cattle into Ireland; but some persuasive eloquence used by the Irish Members had the effect of altering the determination of the Government, and the insuperable difficulty was swept away. But to go from the West to the North, I find another remarkable case of action by the Government, and it is incidentally alluded to in the Royal Speech-I allude to the case of Argyllshire. There was no rinderpest there; and there the Government again took very vigorous steps. So that he was, he thought, justified in saying of the Privy Council by virtue of the powers that they could not plead ignorance on the vested in them by law, with a view to prevent the subject as an excuse for the course which spreading of this disease, will be laid before you.", they had pursued in this country, or for Now, I would venture to call the attensaying they had done all that it was possible tion of the noble Earl opposite (Earl Granfor them to do. I have ventured to make ville) to this paragraph, and to ask whethese observations to your Lordships bether it is perfectly certain that the Governcause I hope that, even now, at that latement have acted in strict accordance with hour, we may be able to induce Her Majesty's Government to rouse from their lethargy and do what I conceive to be their duty-namely, to stop all movement of cattle in England, and also all importation of cattle into England from abroad. The other day I attended a large meeting in my own county on that subject, and I noticed that the passage in an able speech, made by a gentleman present, which was most applauded, was that in which the speaker said, "We must put our shoulders to the wheel, and get rid of the rinderpest; or, if we cannot do that, we must get rid of the Ministry."

THE DUKE OF RICHMOND: I ask your Lordships' indulgence for a short time while I allude to a paragraph in the Speech from the Throne on a subject in which I take the deepest interest. I am happy to find that, owing to the very able manner in which the noble Duke has addressed you, it is unnecessary for me to occupy The Duke of Rutland

"The Orders that have been made by the Lords

the law? There is an old maxim delegatus delegari non potest. I believe that the action of the Privy Council has been taken under the 11 & 12 Vict. c. 107, s. 4.

By that section the Privy Council are empowered to make such orders and regulathe purpose of prohibiting the removal of tions as to them may seem necessary for cattle, and so on; and, in another part

"To make any other order and regulation for the purpose of giving effect to the Act; to revoke or annul any order when so made, and that such orders should have the like effect as if they had been inserted in the Act." Now, under this Act, the Privy Council had power to make such Orders as they pleased; but I doubt whether they had power to delegate to another body those powers which the Act of Parliament conferred upon them. I think that in dealing with these provisions of the law the Government have been unfortunate. I agree with my noble Friend, the Government were in one of two difficulties. Either