giment, have not been brought to trial, either before a military or civil tribunal, for the alleged offence of drilling parties of Fenians? It might, he said, be in therecollection of many hon. Members that at the very outbreak of the Fenian movement these non-commissioned officers were arrested and charged with having drilled Fenian recruits. To show the magnitude of such an offence on the part of a soldier, he would read to the House a portion of the oath of allegiance which these men took upon entering the army

"I do make oath that I will be faithful

and bear true allegiance to Her Majesty, her
heirs, and successors, and that I will, as in duty
bound, bonestly and faithfully defend Her Ma-
and dignity, against all enemies, and will observe
jesty, her heirs, and successors, in person, crown,
and obey all orders of Her Majesty, her heirs,
and successors, and of the generals and officers
set over me. So help me God."
Now, what greater enemy could Her Ma-
jesty have than a rebel in her own army?
He would also read to the House an ex-
tract from the 15th clause of the Mutiny
Act-

pointed by Her Majesty's Government. It] FENIANISM IN THE ARMY.-QUESTION. is impossible to relieve them from that liability so long as the officers are appointed COLONEL NORTH said, he rose to ask by the local authorities. At the same the Judge Advocate General, Why Drumtime, that is a strong additional reason for Major Farrell, 1st Battalion 2nd Queen's the alteration of the law. But I was care-Regiment, and Sergeant Butler, 99th Reful, on the part of the Government, to state to the House that the alteration of a law of this kind, in order to be satisfactory, must be effected with very general concurrence. I hoped that the Bill which was introduced in 1864 would have met with very general concurrence, inasmuch as it passed through the early stages without the appearance of any serious opposition. A difficulty, however, arose with regard to metropolitan collections. There was at that time a great reluctance on the part of the metropolitan districts to be included in the provisions of the Bill, and we who were responsible for it found out that there were many reasons which rendered the Bill greatly desirable, if not urgently necessary throughout the country which did not apply to the metropolis. In Committee, therefore, we propose to exempt the metropolis from the operation of the Bill. If we had not done that we should have had great opposition in the metropolis, but then the omission we had made raised up other opponents, who said they would oppose the Bill if the metropolis were not included. The force of their arguments I failed to perceive, though I was very sensible of the force of their votes. Others at a later stage objected on broader grounds, saying that it was a measure of centralization, that it would unduly augment the power of the Government, and that they were opposed to it on that account. The result was that the Bill was rejected by a majority of four votes, though it would hardly have been more satisfactory had it passed by a If the outrageous rebels to whom he had majority equally narrow. Now, what I referred did not come within this or some really wish is that Gentlemen would, if they other clause of the Mutiny Act, he hoped can find time, examine this subject; because, his right hon. Friend would insert some though not in the least degree likely to be- clause in it which would embrace crimes of come one of political or party importance, such a description. On being shown the it is one which greatly affects a number of documents which contained conclusive evilocal communities as well as individuals. I dence of their guilt, they acknowledged the think there will be a general desire to offence with which they were charged. It change the present system. With regard was expected every day that an example to the intentions of the Government, all I would be made of these two men, yet day can say is that indications of such a state of after day passed without any sign of a feeling would lead the Government to in-court-martial being ordered. Knowing the troduce a measure founded on the same principle as the last, and that it would be a matter of satisfaction to them if, at an early period, such an indication should be made.

"If any person subject to this Act shall, at any time during the continuance of this Act, hold correspondence with or give advice or intelligence to any rebel or enemy of Her Majesty, either by letters, messages, signs, or tokens in any manner or way whatsoever, or shall treat or enter into any terms with such rebels or enemy without Her Majesty's licence or licence of the general or chief commander, shall suffer death or such other punishment as by a court-martial shall be awarded.”

determined character of the gallant officer at the head of the army in Ireland he could not understand why such a step had not been taken. This being perhaps the most heinous offence a soldier could commit it

THE CATTLE PLAGUE COMMISSION.
QUESTION.

was then supposed that the case was left COLONEL NORTH said, he was not in the hands of the Commander-in-Chief of satisfied, and he was sure the army would the army and not in that of the Commander not be, at this delay. of the Forces in Ireland, and every one was perfectly assured that the honour of the army would be safe in the hands of his Royal Highness. Week after week, however, passed until it was supposed that the delinquents were to be tried by a civil instead of a military tribunal. At last the special Commission was issued for the trial of the Fenians, and many wretched men had been tried and were undergoing punishment for having attended the drills while

those who drilled them remained to the present moment untried and unpunished. The army was at a loss to understand why these men had been kept under arrest for nearly five months, during which time no proceedings had been taken against them, aud he could assure the right hon. Gentle man that no class in the army felt more on this subject than that honourable class, to which these men belonged, the noncommissioned officers. He hoped his right hon. Friend would give the House some information in reference to this matter.

few

MR. HEADLAM said, that the men alluded to would be put upon their trial by court-martial in the course of a very days. One man, indeed, was put upon his trial yesterday, and another was to be tried to-day. It might be true that a longer delay had taken place than would have been right under ordinary circumstances; but, at the same time, the circumstances surrounding the Fenian conspiracy were quite exceptional. The delay had arisen in consequence of the authorities in Ireland having considered it desirable that the trials should Some time ago he had be postponed. written a letter to Ireland to state that he thought it desirable that the trials should take place as soon as possible, and the following was the reply he received :

"I have the honour to state that the delay arises from the circumstance that the witnesses whose evidence is material to prove the existence of the Fenian conspiracy, including a man named Warner, and a number of other witnesses, are at present in attendance before the civilian commission sitting in Dublin, and therefore cannot take part in the proceedings before the court-martial." He hoped that his hon. and gallant Friend would be satisfied with this statement, and that he would say nothing which would fetter the action of the authorities.

COLONEL NORTH: What is the date of the letter?

MR. HEADLAM: The 31st of January.
Colonel North

MR. NEWDEGATE asked, When the second Report of the Cattle Plague Com

mission would be in the hands of Members? It was very desirable that hon. Gentlemen should have an opportunity of reading it before the discussion on the subject which was appointed to take place on Monday next.

SIR GEORGE GREY said, that a copy of that Report had been laid before Her

Majesty, having been received by him only
the day before yesterday. He had re-
ceived a letter from the secretary to the
Commission, stating that the Appendix,
containing the opinions referred to in the
Report, was not yet ready, but that it
would be in a very few days. He had re-
quested the secretary to send the Appendix
perhaps it might be convenient to place the
without delay; but if that were not done,
Report itself in the hands of Members
without waiting for the Appendix.

Friend aware that the first Řeport of the
MR. WALPOLE: Is my right hon.
Commission is not yet in the hands of
Members?

first Report on the first day of the Session,
SIR GEORGE GREY: I presented the
but I am not responsible for its circulation.

VISCOUNT CRANBOURNE: May I ask the right hon. Gentleman who is responsible for its circulation?

SIR GEORGE GREY: That question should be addressed to the right hon. Gentleman in the Chair. Of course, I do not mean that the right hon. Gentleman is personally responsible for its circulation, but some officer of the House under the right hon. Gentleman's direction must be

So.

Motion agreed to:-House at rising to adjourn till Monday next.

QUEEN'S SPEECH.
REPORT OF ADDRESS.

Report of Address brought up and read. On Motion, to agree to the AddressSIR JOHN PAKINGTON: Sir, I readily assented to the suggestion made to me last night by the right hon. Gentleman the Chancellor of the Exchequer, because I felt the force of the appeal which he made to me with regard to the possible postponement

greatest pleasure, those of the Mover and Seconder of the Address, and which were so full of talent and of promise. Both of those speakers adverted to the Jamaica question, as it was, of course, indispensable to the position they occupied that they should; but I think that I should not do justice to the noble Lord and to the hon. Gentleman if I were not to admit in the broadest manner that the tone and temper in which they referred to the unfortunate occurrences in Jamaica showed a degree of forbearance, and moderation, and justice that left nothing to be wished for. [Hear, hear!"] I hear that observation cheered on the other side of the House, and I, for one, say that I heard the observations of the Mover and Seconder of the Address with sincere gratification and pleasure; and in no part of their speeches did I more entirely concur than in the portions in which they stated their opinion that it would be now premature and improper for any Member to rise in the course of the debate and enter into anything like a discussion of the Jamaica question, or the conduct of the officers concerned in it. I subscribe entirely to that opinion, and it is with that feeling that

of that interesting question of the cattle plague on Monday night. Most sorry, indeed, should I be if any course taken by me should have the effect of postponing for one single hour the action of the House with regard to that most terrible affair. On the contrary, Sir, I do entertain a most earnest hope that the Government are at last about to grapple with this calamity; the present magnitude of which I am sorry to say I, for one, am disposed to attribute to their neglect and to their selfish fear of assuming that responsibility which, in my opinion, it was the bounden duty of Her Majesty's Government, as the Government of this country, to incur. I look forward, therefore, to the measure of Monday night in the earnest hope that the Bill will include those provisions on which I may say now there is really very little difference of opinion existing. If that Bill should not appear to satisfy the just and reasonable expectations of the country upon this most important subject, I hope that, independently of party considerations, general support will be given to the Bill that has been announced by my hon. Friend the Member for North Northamptonshire (Mr. Hunt). As the debate upon the Address concluded last night, II am bound to say that I think that it hope that I shall not be considered as unduly occupying the attention of the House if, for a few minutes, I advert to one or two subjects of great importance in the gracious Speech of Her Majesty that have not been touched upon at all. Let me say that I make no complaint of the debate that has occupied the House for two nights upon the Address. The course of that debate has been unusual, but I think I may say it has been highly beneficial. Two subjects of extreme importance have been debated upon these two nights, one of those nights being given to each subject, and I think that I may add that those subjects have been discussed with a degree of ability and of practical talent that has been highly creditable to the first debate of this newly assembled House of Commons. But there are one or two subjects in Her Majesty's Speech, the importance of which is so great that I think it would be hardly right, and, indeed, hardly respectful, if we should pass them over without some further comment before these debates are brought to a close. One of those subjects are the unhappy occurrences which we all unite in deploring-the unfortunate occurrences in Jamaica. The occurrences in Jamaica have been in the debate entirely unnoticed except in the two speeches to which I am sure we all listened with the

That

would now be premature and improper
to enter into any discussion of the merits
of the Jamaica question or of the conduct
of the officers or others connected with it.
This being so, I do think that this is emi-
nently the moment when it behoves inde-
pendent Members of the House to give
expression to the regret-I had almost
said indignation-with which we have ob-
served that this reserve has not been prac-
tised out of doors during the recess.
by a portion of the public press, at various
public meetings, and I am sorry to say by
some Members-some eminent Members of
this House-the conduct of the officers in
Jamaica has been discussed, prejudged, and
condemned. This has been done by men who
had not the means of judging in their posses-
sion, who had not before them the evidence
upon which alone a sound and candid judg-
ment could be formed, and in reference to
whom, therefore, it was impossible for the
Government and the public not to have felt
deep regret when they heard the opinions
which have been expressed.
I see the
hon. Member for Birmingham (Mr. Bright)
opposite, and I say frankly, that I think
that none of the expressions of those who
commented upon these transactions during
the recess are open to so much censure—
which I, for one, read with so much regret

there are none as those used by the hon. | reputation. Member for Birmingham. I hold in my hand an extract from a speech of the hon. Member, made last month in the town of Rochdale, and in it I find this sentence. Speaking of the trial and execution of Mr. Gordon, the hon. Gentleman used this language

"I say from the beginning to the end it is a mass of illegality, and I believe there is not a Judge who sits upon the bench in the United Kingdom, who, speaking in his private capacity, would doubt for one single moment that Mr. Gordon was mur

dered."

He is known to many friends

and acquaintances of mine, and I never heard any report of him but one-namely, that he is a highly honourable public servant, and that if there be one quality for which he has been distinguished more than another, it is for the humanity and kindness and good feeling with which he has treated and considered the welfare of the native races in various colonies. I say that such a man is not one who ought to be branded with the crime of murder, unless upon the very clearest evidence and most ample demonstration. The hon. Gentleman the Member for Glasgow (Mr. Graham), in second

done; and I entirely concur with him, and so will every dispassionate man upon both sides of the House. But, on the other

This might, perhaps, have been said in the warmth of public discussion. [Mr. BRIGHT:ing the Address, said that justice must be Not at all. But I am sorry to say that I hold in my hand distinct proof that it was not, for on another occasion he used language to the same effect. At a meet-hand, let us all remember-and I can ing at Bradford, the hon. Member said

"I take my opinion only from documents furnished here by those whose interest it is to put the most favourable interpretation on their conduct, and I say that murder is foul, and that there is no murder more foul than that done by men in authority under the pretence of law; I say if

murder has not yet changed its name, and be yet a crime visited with punishment in this country, then I hope that the Governor of Jamaica and his accomplices will have to stand at the bar of justice

for the murder of Mr. Gordon."

hardly believe that there is a man sitting
listening to me in this House who will fail
to remember-that if Governor Eyre did
err, if he was led into any conduct of which
we sitting calmly and safely in England
may feel ourselves compelled to disapprove,
he acted in a most grave and trying emer-
gency and from a zealous desire to do his
duty to his Queen, his country, and the
colony committed to his charge.
He was
led into an error, if error it be, upon rea
sons which whether they are well founded
we do not yet know; and let us be cautious
how we form a premature opinion. He
acted in the full persuasion and belief that
the lives of the handful of Europeans who
inhabited that island were not safe from
attack by the 400,000 of half-civilized and
infuriated negroes. I say, under these
circumstances, it is cruel and unjustifiable
for any man of eminence in the country,
before large bodies of his countrymen, to
endeavour to excite them and lead them
away from a calm decision upon this ques-
tion by charging Governor Eyre with a
crime such as that which the hon. Member
for Birmingham has laid to his charge. I
hope that the House will agree with me
that these discussions should not close with.

[Mr. BRIGHT: Hear, hear!] The hon. Gentleman cheers, but I am glad to find that he is not supported in that cheer. I feel with deep regret that a Member of this House, a man of the just eminence of the hon. Member for Birmingham, should have allowed himself, by party or other considerations, to be led into the use of language that is, in my opinion, absolutely unjustifiable. The use of such language by any man, before the evidence arrived in this country, and before anybody could know the facts of which he was judging, the general, the universal opinion, I say, of dispassionate men must be that the use of such language was not only indecorous, but grossly unjust. Who and what is the man whom the hon. Member brands with murder? The hon. Gentleman says mur-out some voice being raised to protest der is foul. So also are false accusations. Who is the man thus branded with the horrible crime of murder? I have not the honour of a personal acquaintance with Governor Eyre. I think he was not in the public service when I, for a short time, held the seals of the Colonial Office. At all events, I have no personal acquaintance with him. I speak of him wholly without any personal bias. But he is known by

Sir John Pakington

against this premature decision, and to assure Governor Eyre, that there is at least a portion of the Members of the House, and I hope that I may say that that portion includes in it Her Majesty's Ministers, who will not shrink from censuring any part of his conduct if it should be necessary, but who will do him justice, and who do not sympathize in premature and harsh allegations that ought never to have been

made. With regard, Sir, to the conduct | for Birmingham (Mr. Bright), and the hon. of Her Majesty's Government in having Member for Bradford (Mr. W. E. Forster). issued a Commission of Inquiry into the The hon. Member for Birmingham, in admassacres in Jamaica, I feel bound to say dressing various meetings on this subject that I am not disposed to censure or find of Reform, intimated very plainly, with fault with them in that respect. I do think great openness and I think with great that they were somewhat premature in justice too-what he thought the minimum issuing that Commission, and that they degree of the alteration of the franchise would have done better,. would have acted which could possibly be proposed by Her with more fairness and prudence, had Majesty's Government. The hon. Member they waited for further explanations from for Bradford also delivered a speech to his Governor Eyre, and for the real facts that constituents on the same subject. He occurred during these unhappy transac- held very strong and decided language. tions. I own I am not free from the fear The hon. Member for Bradford said—I am that Her Majesty's Ministers may have quoting from memory, but I believe corbeen unduly influenced by that scandalous rectly-that he thought it absolutely inscene that is said to have occurred in the dispensable for Her Majesty's Government Colonial Office between the Secretary for at the earliest possible moment after the the Colonies and a deputation from the meeting of Parliament to come forward Anti-Slavery Society. But be this as it with a comprehensive and satisfactory meamay, I think that sooner or later the Go- sure of Reform. The hon. Gentleman then vernment must have been bound to issue a proceeded to advise his friends and constiCommission to inquire into these unhappy tuents on the course they ought to take matters. I am very glad, further, to bear under such circumstances. He told those my testimony to the fact that I think that who were in favour of the Reform Bill not the Government having decided to issue a to prepare a Bill themselves but to go to Commission I doubt whether it was possi- the Government, and tell them that they ble to exercise a better discretion in the had pledged themselves as men never were selection of the persons who are to carry pledged before-as men of honour-to leon that inquiry-I say I feel perfect con- gislation on this subject; and, being so, fidence in the gentlemen selected, and I, for they (the constituents) would not insult one, shall yield the utmost possible atten- them by supposing that they would bring tion to their decision. I do not wish to forward anything but a comprehensive and detain the House, but having adverted to satisfactory measure. Well, Sir, in the one paragraph of the Speech from the very same paper in which this speech was Throne that I think it was really right reported, I saw also announced the hon. should be noticed by discussion, I will take Member's appointment to the office of leave to trespass upon the House for a few Under Secretary to the Colonial Departmoments with reference to another subject ment. In what light, then, are we to of importance, Parliamentary Reform. I regard the hon. Gentleman now? Are we think I may add that, under all the circum- to regard him as the ultra-reforming Memstances in which that question stands, we ber of Parliament, or as the meek and have a right to expect from Her Majesty's submissive Member of Her Majesty's GoMinisters some declaration upon the sub- vernment with his teeth drawn? I beg ject. I am not sure whether I may not to say with all sincerity that I do not intend say that the right is strengthened by what to imply any disrespect to the hon. Mempassed this evening. We should hear some- ber for Bradford. During his occupancy thing, at least, in reference to this most im- of his seat in this House, the hon. Member portant subject. During the recess-espe- for Bradford, I am bound to say, has shown cially since the death of Lord Palmerston much ability and great familiarity with the this question of Parliamentary Reform many subjects on which he has spoken. has occupied rather an unusual degree of The hon. Gentleman has also taken a public attention. It has been made the sub- manly and decided course of action, and I ject of discussion at several public meetings, do not believe that the hon. Member has and of speeches from several hon. Mem- entered into any intentional compromise bers of this House of more or less political upon those questions in respect to which he eminence. Some of the most remarkable has expressed strong and decided opinions. of the speeches delivered on this subject of Well, I am not quite sure whether the Parliamentary Reform were those which pro- hon. Member for Birmingham has not also ceeded from the mouths of the hon. Member joined Her Majesty's Government. If he