MR. LOCKE KING moved to leave out Clause 21, and insert the following clause: "Any calf, if sound, not being more than twentyone days old, may, notwithstanding anything in this Act, be moved with a licence on any public highway from any place where the same shall have been dropped to any other place, not being more than ten miles from such place, upon a bona fide purchase of the same by the occupier of the place to which the same shall be so removed." Clause brought up, and read the first time. Motion made, and Question, "That the said clause be now read a second time," put, and negatived. New Clause (Penalty on moving Contrary to Act.)-(Mr. Hunt,)-agreed to, [cl. 14.] and added to the Bill. MR. BARING moved the following clause: "When by any Act of Parliament it is enacted that any payment, compensation, or allowance shall or may be made by any local authority to any owner or keeper of cattle slaughtered under or in pursuance of any direction or power in any such Act contained, such enactment shall not extend or apply to the case of cattle arriving by sea at any port within twenty-four hours of such arrival." Clause brought up, and read the first time. Motion made, and Question proposed, "That the said clause be now read a second time." GENERAL DUNNE opposed the clause. He objected to Irish cattle being dealt with in the same manner as cattle imported from abroad as far as regarded compensation, while the owners of the latter cattle were allowed advantages not given to those of the former. COLONEL GREVILLE reminded the hon. Gentleman the Under Secretary that the cattle disease had not appeared in Ireland. MR. FLEMING suggested that on the arrival in this country of cattle from Ireland or abroad the number of living animals should be compared with the number shipped, and if it was found that any animal had died on the passage all the remaining ones should be destroyed. Motion, by leave, withdrawn. MR. BARING moved the following clause : "From and after the passing of this Act any Officer of Customs shall seize any meat imported or brought into the United Kingdom which is unfit for human food, or likely to spread the VOL. CLXXXI. [THIRD SERIES.] MR. BARING moved to insert a new clause (Evidence of Orders). MR. WALPOLE said, that under the former Act of Parliament it had been found necessary to indemnify all parties who had acted under the Orders in Council, and it would be very desirable to introduce some clause specifying the kind of Orders they should pass, because extensive as those now in force, they if they should pass Orders in Council as might have to come to Parliament again for an indemnity. MR. BARING said, he was quite aware of the importance of the point to which the right hon. Gentleman had referred. Clause agreed to, and added to the Bill. [cl. 51.] On Motion that the Bill be read a third time, SIR GEORGE GREY said, he thought it would be found impossible to apply any one rule to various parts of the country, because the local authority and other circumstances differed so much in character; and he feared that the Bill would in consequence tend to spread the disease rather than check it. MR. HUNT remarked that if the right hon. Gentleman held the opinion he expressed it was a pity he had allowed the Bill to pass. MR. DALGLISH said, the Bill had been passed very hastily, and he feared it would prove a crude measure in many respects. SIR JAMES FERGUSSON observed, that the Bill had been very carefully considered and passed in opposition to the 2 M Resolved, That the Chairman be directed to move the House, that leave be given to bring in a Bill to amend the Law relating to Contagious Diseases amongst Cattle and other Animals in Ireland. Resolution reported: - Bill ordered to be brought in by Mr. ATTORNEY GENERAL for IRELAND, Mr. SOLICITOR GENERAL for IRELAND, and Sir GEORGE GREY. Bill presented, and read the first time. [Bill 37.] Resolution reported: Bill ordered to be brought in by Mr. MILNER GIBSON and Lord CLARENCE PAGET. House adjourned at half after One o'clock till Monday next. HOUSE OF LORDS, Monday, February 26, 1866. MINUTES.-PUBLIC BILLS-First ReadingCattle Plague (27). Consideration Telegraph Act Amendment [H.L.] (13). CATTLE PLAGUE BILL-(No. 27.) (The Lord President.) FIRST READING. Cattle Plague Bill brought up from the Commons. EARL GRANVILLE said, this would be a convenient time to make some arrangement with respect to the Cattle Plague Bill, which would be formally brought under the notice of the House that evening. In consequence of the suggestion of the noble Earl opposite (the Earl of Derby), that the Government should take charge of the Bill, he had consulted with the Prime Minister nion that Her Majesty's Government could and his other Colleagues, who were of opinot take charge of the Bill in its present shape. He hoped, however, that some independent Member of the House would take charge of it; in which event he should give notice of considerable Amendments which would be proposed on the part of the Government. Notice of these Amendments would be given at the earliest moment, in order that they might be printed and placed in the hands of their Lordships without delay. If any other noble Lord should wish to move Amendments, he hoped early notice would be given of them. If, however, a Motion should be made to refer the Bill to a Select Committee, he would support that Motion; because he believed that by adopting that course there would be very little delay, and he thought | Bill were thrown loosely before them, leavit could be dealt with in a more satisfactory manner by such a Committee than by a Committee of the whole House. ing it for all the Members of their Lordships' House to advocate it or make such objections to it as might occur to them. He believed that if the Bill should pass under such circumstances, it would be a very unsatisfactory one. He must repeat that he thought the Government ought to take up the Bill; but rather than that it should be dealt with in the way to which he had just referred, he would prefer to accede to the noble Earl's suggestion, and have it referred to a Select Committee, as he thought less time would be lost in this way. EARL GRANVILLE agreed that it would be difficult to say precisely in what shape the Bill would come up to their Lordships; but the Government would prefer that it should not pass rather than it should pass in its present form. The principle of the Bill was to prevent the removal of beasts by highways, railway, canal, or river; but he understood there were no less than fifteen exceptions to that Bill, independently of other exceptions arising from powers given to the Privy Council to issue Orders for the local authorities to carry out; and, moreover, the Bill was not to last more than three weeks. The Go THE EARL OF DERBY said, he much regretted the determination which had been communicated by the noble Earl, because he could not help thinking that a Bill of this importance and character, however it might have originated, ought to be in the hands of the Government. Indeed, originally the whole subject, so far as regarded the movement of cattle by railway and on high roads, was taken up in the Bill introduced by the Government. So many difficulties, however, were raised with regard to part of the question, and so many Amendments were moved in the other House, that it was thought better that one portion of the Bill should be agreed to and sent up to their Lordships without delay, and that the other portions should be taken into consideration in conjunction with the rival Bill which had been introduced by an independent Member of that House. In what shape that Bill had or might come out of that House he could not say, for, though nominally it had been introduced by the hon. Member for Northamptonshire (Mr. Hunt), it had undergone at the hands of Her Majesty's Government so much al-vernment were of opinion that it would be teration and so many changes, that it was doubtful whether the hon. Gentleman himself could now recognize his own measure. Now, seeing that this Bill formed part of a very important Government arrangement, and was supplementary to, and, indeed, formed part of a Bill which the Government originally introduced, whatever alterations the Government might desire to make in it, he could not help thinking that it should not be left to the chance of being taken up by some independent Member of their Lordships' House, but that it ought to be dealt with by Her Majesty's Government. He thought that when it did come before their Lordships it would require a good deal of consideration, and would be difficult to understand, as he was told that Amendments had been introduced to such an extent that the original scope and tendency of the Bill had been entirely altered. He hoped the Government would take into consideration how far they could consent to the principle of the Bill, what Amendments they desired to introduce, and that they would then bring in the Bill with such alterations as might be deemed desirable. He thought that very great delay and confusion would be sure to take place if the difficult to have the provisions of the Bill sufficiently understood in a short time, so that the appointment of officers and other preliminaries might be completed within three weeks. But, as the noble Earl opposite had remarked, added to the Bill were several clauses which would be supplemental to provisions contained in the Bill passed the other day, and he therefore thought it would be a pity and a loss not to have an opportunity of considering those clauses, whatever might be their opinion of the Bill as a whole. In reference to an observation which had fallen from the noble Earl, he must say that the Bill had been altered in the House of Commons, not only in consequence of objections made by Her Majesty's Government, but also in consequence of differences of opinion between the hon. Member who had charge of the Bill and eminent agriculturists on both sides of the House. He hoped that the noble Earl would understand that the course he proposed to take was one entirely consistent with usage. lf, however, no independent Peer was willing to take up the Bill, he, as a Member of the Government, was ready to do so; but on this clear understanding, that the Go vernment would only adopt such parts of it as they approved, and as they thought would be useful by way of supplement to their own Bill. THE EARL OF DERBY said, he was glad he had induced the President of the Council to rise a second time, because the noble Earl was now about to take a course in which, under the circumstances of the case, he entirely concurred. EARL GRANVILLE then moved that the Bill be now read the first time. Bill read 1; to be printed; and to be read 2 To-morrow.-(The Lord President). (No. 27.) nearly connected with a Member of their Lordships' House, and the leader of Democracy in the other House, were agreed in this principle that the evils of Ireland were not due to the population, for the Irish people flourished in every country but their own. They were not due to the small farms; for in Belgium these were to be found. They were not due to Popery, for this was in France and Belgium also. But, to use Lord Cranbourne's words, "the one point peculiar to Ireland was the English Government." Up to Sunday week Ireland was as free as England and freer than any other country than England; while she had a lower franchise and less taxation than this country. It could not ROMAN CATHOLIC CHURCH (IRELAND). be the tithes which kept down the po OBSERVATIONS. MOTION FOR A PAPER. pulation, because they were paid by the VISCOUNT LIFFORD rose to call the at- Frotestant landowner to the Protestant tention of the House to the Causes of the Church. What was it, then, that was drivpresent condition of Ireland, and to ask ing Irishmen out of Ireland, hating the inHer Majesty's Government, Whether it is stitutions of their country, while Englishmen their intention to introduce any Measure and Scotchmen went forth not only without into Parliament providing for the sup- carrying with them any such feeling, but, port of the Roman Catholic Clergy of on the contrary, admiration? Why were Ireland, independent of the contributions Irishmen in America banded together as of the people? and also to move for a Fenians with the one sole object of injurReturn of the Parochial Clergy of the ing the Queen's Government and degrading Roman Catholic Church in Ireland, dis- this country in every way possible? Let tinguishing between those who are' Parish them ask, "Who were the Fenians?'' Priests and those who are Curates. The About thirty years ago an Under Secretary noble Lord said, that on Saturday week for Ireland laid down the axiom-" ProParliament passed a Bill which placed the perty has its duties as well as its rights," liberty of every man in Ireland at the and within the last thirty years the greatest discretion of the Lord Lieutenant. It efforts had been made by the Irish prowould not have been fitting on that occa- prietors to improve their properties, and sion to make any remark except in ap- consequently to better the condition of the proval of the conduct of Her Majesty's people. One necessary part of the improveGovernment, and of the forbearance, firm- ment was the consolidation of farms where ness, and promptitude of the Lord Lieute- the holdings were too small to afford a nant: but that Bill having become law, he decent subsistence to a family, or to allow thought it not less befitting that an early of the improvement of agriculture; and opportunity should be taken of expressing in that process of consolidation it was abthe shame and sorrow which must be felt solutely necessary to remove a great number by every Peer of Ireland-shame at the of occupants. In addition to this, numbers want of sense shown by a number of their of the growing up young men were obliged countrymen, and their want of appreciation to go out to work, instead of dependof the first principles of civilization; sor- ing for their livelihood on a share of their row that those who were now approaching father's farm. The disturbed state of the "the sere and yellow leaf" could never country precluded the investment of capihope to see Ireland prosperous and in the tal; and the consequence of these comcondition she should be as an integral part bined causes was a large emigration to of this great Empire. Though the Act America. Naturally care was taken that for the suspension of the Habeas Corpus it was not those of the best character who had passed through their Lordships' House went, but wherever there was a black sheep almost sub silentio, it was not so in the in the family, or a drunkard, these men other House of Parliament. It was now went to America, and the consequence was matter of history that a noble Lord of that for twenty or thirty years the whole great promise (Viscount Cranbourne), refuse of Ireland had been poured into North Earl Granville America. There were also the refugees, who were obliged to leave Ireland after 1848, and those classes which he had enumerated were the main source of American Fenianism. The Fenians in America levied a sort of black mail on their more industrious countrymen, who, he was sorry to say, were not as unwilling as they ought to be to pay it. Now, who were the Fenians at home? Compared with the population, he believed that the sworn Fenians were not a great many; but he lamented to think that nearly the entire of the lower classes sympathized with them. How was it that the Irish, who were now better fed, better clothed, and better taught than they used to be-unlike the people of Canada or those of any other countrywere prepared to welcome armed invaders, who endeavoured to bribe Her Majesty's troops by promising them the land for their reward, and women for their prey? How was this to be accounted for? In the first place, the Irish at home who sympathized in the Fenian movement did not know the real consequences to themselves of a foreign invasion; in the second, they believed firmly that an Irish Republic would receive great assistance from America; and thirdly, they believed that the result would be every man would get the feesimple of his own farm. Did noble Lords suppose that at the time of the Reform Bill elections were carried in the teeth of Irish landlords solely from the desire to give new Members to Birmingham and Manchester? There was an ingredient in these elections of which noble Lords might have heard a little, or to which, perhaps, they had turned a deaf ear-and that was the hope held out to the Irish population of fixity of tenure. At that time every man in Ireland was induced to think that the land was not the rightful property of the owner, who was a sort of usurper, holding by force and not by justice; and that the land ought to be the property of the tenant. To persons educated in such a belief was it wonderful that they should grasp what appeared to them the realization of hope long delayed, held out to them by the great Republic of America? He was most unwilling to refer to these old stories, for the whole basis of Ireland's prosperity, if ever she was to be prosperous again, must be forgetfulness and forgiveness of the past. In searching, however, for some small excuse for his unfortunate and deluded fellow-countrymen, if they went to the sources of Ireland's misery, and now of her degradation, he must tell their Lordships that it was England that had sown the wind, and now must reap the whirlwind. Take the manner in which the British Government had treated the Irish question. The Irish landed proprietors were altogether loyal. He did not believe there was a single man possessing land in his own right in Ireland who was disloyal. They and the Scotch settlers in the North formed, in fact, the English garrison. One would suppose it the interest of England to extend to the utmost the influence of such a body. But the conduct of the Irish Government had been exactly the reverse. Whatever might be their object, the practice of the Irish Government seemed to have been to diminish the influence of the Irish gentlemen. They had not the same control over the police that the English gentry exercised; they had no control over the public-houses; if they had, they would have found it much more easy to put down Ribandism. In Dublin Castle the word of a police-officer weighed down the representations of a whole body of gentlemen. It was not yet a year and a half since a gentleman of old family and large estates was dismissed from the commission of the peace because he wrote a letter to the effect that he held his commission to protect the people against the police. That was an unnecessary assertion to make, and it might have been altogether erroneous in principle; but, holding that opinion conscientiously, he did not see that there was anything unconstitutional in expressing it, and certainly there was nothing to call for his summary dismissal. Some years ago two baronies in the neighbourhood where he resided were proclaimed under the Peace Preservation Act. Last autumn that proclamation was suddenly withdrawn. He felt bound to say for himself and brother magistrates that if they had been consulted as to that step they would no doubt have concurred in the propriety of withdrawing the proclamation. The county to all appearance was perfectly peaceable, and there had been almost a maiden assizes. But at the time he knew nothing of the extent of the Fenian conspiracy, and he concluded that in October last the Government knew as little, or they would not have withdrawn the proclamation. The consequence was, however, that the county was immediately filled with arms. The fact in connection with the withdrawal of the proclamation to which he wished |