Anglo-Saxon, to which they belonged. | provinces."

The estimate in which the

But the Fenians endeavoured to establish movement was held might be gathered (a Celtic nationality in Canada, just as it from an extract which he would read to was desired to set up a Latin Empire in the House from an American paperMexico. The Fenians were in a manner "The decline from heroic tragedy to the most regarded as traitors to the country, because stupid of burlesques during the internecine war the idea of losing the bone and sinew of in this city between the Head Centre and the the country, the Irish population by whom Senate has been duly recorded. The ridiculous all the drudgery was performed, was viewed farce is over, the smoke has cleared away, the by the Americans with little short of horror. parties themselves have become indifferent or weary, and the whole thing is as flat and uninIf they could possibly stop Fenianism, they teresting as a wake without whisky. By the new would do so to-morrow. Besides, to secure tactics the grand campaign for the liberation of for such a movement the sympathy of a Ireland is transferred from this city to the rural great nation, the leaders must act with some regions. A dozen imitators of Peter the Hermit are abroad and sounding the hewgag.' The consistency, and display not only dignity, American Continent (except Canada) is to be but also some political sagacity. But ever aroused, and in less than no time the Queen's since the Fenians had obtained money minions from Cork to Coleraine, and from Dublin sufficient to quarrel over, they immediately to Galway, are to skedaddle, leaving Mr. Chief commenced their bickerings, and the dis-Executive Stephens at liberty to creep from his hiding-place under the blarney stone, hoist the putes of Mr. Head Centre O'Mahoney and sunburst,' and proclaim at last the Republic of President Roberts had become the laugh- Ireland. But thus far the new tactics have not ing stock of the whole country. The New worked quite up to expectation. There is a York Herald, which had at first taken a Corsican feud-a regular vendetta-between the Head Centre faction and the Senate faction. If a good deal of notice of the Fenians in con- senatorian undertakes to lecture, a Head Censequence of its large circulation among the treite is on his track like a bloodhound, and Irish, had, by trying to please each party, before he has time to say Fellow-citizens,' the gained the antagonism of both, and the other side puts in an appearance and the fun comeditor of the New York Times, Mr. Ray-sides. Irishmen never hesitate to do that much, mences. The enthusiastic hearers at once take mond, more unfortunate still, was challenged by O'Mahoney at the outset of his career to mortal combat. Acting in this manner, they did not conciliate public feeling in America. There was another reason why they were unpopular in America, and that was a political one. In the old days, before the war, political parties in America were divided into Democrats and Republicans, and the Democrats relied for success on the Irish vote in the State of New York. Naturally, during that time the Republicans looked upon the Irish as their natural enemies. The antipathy of the Irish to the negro was so great that this was certain to procure for them the antipathy of the Abolitionists. If there was anything which an Irishman hated more than an Anglo-Saxon it was a 4 negro, and the result was that when at the end of the war the Democratic party became extinct, the Irish, who would have had the sympathy of the Democrats if their party succeeded, were deprived of those sympathies, but retained the hostility of the Republicans, so that for political reasons they were without the sympathy of any portion of the Americans. The want of success in New York had been so great that the rival camps had transferred the theatre of their operations to the rural districts, and were literally "starring in the

Mr. Oliphant

no matter what the question, and the lecturer stands as much chance of being heard as a Puritan psalm-singer at Donnybrook Fair. This was the case the other day at Troy, where the lecturing crusade before the Milesian blood was at fever heat, and was inaugurated. The doors were hardly opened in default of a regiment or two of Life Guards to wallop, the boys went at each other. They

did not hear the lecture, but they did enjoy the coveted luxury of a regular hulla-balloo, such as would have done honour to Tipperary in its best days. This ridiculous spectacle will doubtless be witnessed in most of our large towns, the squabbles of the O'Mahonians and the Senate boing, thank fortune, transferred from this city to the provinces."

That being the estimation in which this movement was held in America, we should look as ridiculous as the Fenians themselves if we were to make remonstrances which would only excite wonder and astonishment among the American people at the Fenian power on this side of the Atlantic in which the Americans did not believe at present. Supposing, however, that this were not the case, there were other reasons why we ought not to remonstrate with the United States. It would be better to allay old animosities than excite new ones. The Americans were extremely anxious, after the strong language which had not unnaturally been used during the progress of the war, to let the feeling against this country subside of itself; but if we were

continually finding out reasons why we and when certain cruisers preyed upon should urge upon them strong expressions the commerce of America, the whole of sympathy with this country at a time American people, in a very natural ebulliwhen they wished to be let alone, we should tion of feeling, said that if a rising were to certainly do no good. Possibly, indeed, an take place in Ireland or India they would absolutely bad effect might be produced. immediately recognize the insurgents as In the first place, the American Secretary belligerents and allow cruisers to go out. I of State could certainly point to episodes in They never expected such a thing would our history almost exactly parallel to what happen, but the suggestion took root in was now taking place in America. He (Mr. the minds of Irishmen, who thought | Oliphant) himself had once been asked to the American people had entirely comsubscribe money for some persons whose mitted themselves to this idea, and they avowed object was to kick out of his tried to embroil the two countries by throne the King of Naples, with whom exciting a movement in Ireland, and put-I this country was on friendly terms. He ting the American people to the test as to had also seen a Garibaldian legion march- whether they would stand by the expresing through the streets of Liverpool to sions which they had used in the heat of the point of embarkation, whence they the war. However, whether this was so were openly and notoriously going to fight or not, any representation tending to allay against a Sovereign with whom we were the feeling of irritation which existed in at peace. Those who lived in glass houses America on account of outstanding claims) ought not to throw stones, and though, would also tend to defeat the Fenian perhaps, episodes might have occurred in schemes. It was, therefore, of the utmost America which it might be difficult, under consequence to prevent the possibility of a strict interpretation of International Law, an armed insurrection in Ireland placing for the Government of that country to the people of America under the necessity justify, still it would be in the last degree of standing by the words which they had inexpedient to raise at this moment any repeatedly uttered. The American people particular points. He had a very strong might bring great pressure to bear upon reason for saying-and he did not think he the Government, and the result might | was overstepping the bounds of confidence possibly be that we should find Fenian in saying that the rupture which had been vessels of war cruising like the Alabama, made in the Fenian body was due to the and putting us to the greatest inconveaction of the American Government. Cer-nience. He thought, therefore, that the tain it was that we owed a great deal to that rupture, the result of which had been that the great Fenian organization was split into two factions, so that when we wanted to know what Roberts was doing we had only to apply to O'Mahoney, and when we wanted to know what O'Mahoney was doing we had only to apply to Roberts. But, though he thought that remonstrances of the nature described by the hon. Member for Stockport would be injudicious, he was of opinion that representations of another kind might be made, and with great effect, to the American Government. On looking at the origin and policy of Fenianism, it was not difficult to ascertain what those representations ought to be. It was perfectly true that Fenianism had its origin in America, but then it should be borne in mind that it originated out of the policy pursued by this country towards America. In other words, if there were no outstanding claims between England and America Fenianism would cease to exist. The reason why it existed at all was this. When we recognized the South as belligerents,

time had now arrived when we might make representations to the American Government with reference to the outstanding claims between the two countries; and it might perhaps be expedient to adopt a suggestion which had been made earlier in the evening, that a conference should be held to inquire into the present defective condition of International Maritime Laws in which those claims might very properly be entertained. If the Neutrality Laws were not altered, we should be constantly liable to disagreeable questions, such as were now arising between Chili and Peru and Spain. No settlement of the difficult questions which were sure to arise between this country and America could take place so long as laws respecting them were in force which were enacted fifty years ago, and had reference solely to the state of things which existed before the invention of steam vessels. As long as such antiquated laws existed, and as long as no attempts were made to adjust them to the present state of things, differences would be constantly springing

up between the two countries. To avert | Gentleman had said was that this Fenian such a calamity it would be necessary to organization had existed for years in modify the laws in question, and that America, had raised large sums of money, could only be done with the concurrence manufactured and exported large quantiof the American Government, and we ties of arms and ammunition, and sent could not hope to obtain that concurrence subsidized agents to this country to excite without admitting that the modifications sedition. The hon. Gentleman had asked proposed should have to some extent a re- why we should be afraid of urging upon trospective effect. It might be said that the American Government the importance it was inconsistent with our honour to of giving their attention to this state of make a proposal on the subject to the things. We had a large diplomatic estabAmerican Government; but in his judg- lishment in foreign countries, and the ment it would be in no way incon- matter must long ago have been commusistent with the honour and dignity of nicated to the Government. They could this country to repair, as far as possible, not be the only persons ignorant of it. injuries inflicted by a law which we could He sincerely hoped, now that the serious not at the time alter in consequence of our attention of the Government had been neutral position, but which we were willing called to the facts, the House would soon to alter now. He would not detain the have the satisfaction of hearing that some House any longer, but would conclude by action had been taken in reference to this repeating that he felt it of the utmost im- subject. portance that the remonstrances suggested by the hon. Gentleman should not be made.

MR. WALPOLE: Sir, I shall address only a few words to the House upon the present occasion, for I have been so deeply impressed with the last observation which fell from the Chancellor of the Exchequer, that I hope the House will not prosecute the discussion. There are now two grave propositions before the House. One of them, emanating from the hon. Gentleman opposite, calls upon the Government to discuss one of the most difficult international questions which can be conceived-namely, what is to be the conduct of different countries with regard to the Foreign Enlistment Act. The other, brought forward by the hon. Member for Stockport, without any specific notice, drawing the attention of the Government to the particular question to be considered, has reference to the representations to be made to a friendly Power and ally with regard to its relations with this country. I regret to see questions so grave, so difficult, and so embarrassing, nay, questions which may involve this country in a controversy the

MR. YORKE said, he was glad to hear the hon. Gentleman admit, at the conclusion of his speech, the grave character of a question which at the beginning of it he had treated in too jocular a manner. He was unable, however, to agree with the hon. Gentleman that the re-opening of all the complicated questions which arose during the late war would be the best course for the Government to adopt for bringing about the kindly feeling which he hoped would be maintained by both countries. It was a misfortune that Irish affairs were always viewed under two opposite aspects. Only a few days ago, for instance, the House was in solemn conclave on the course proposed to be adopted by the Government in consequence of the serious emergencies which had arisen in Ireland. To-night, on the contrary, the House had been told that the matter was treated in America as a matter of jest, and that it was wrong to regard the sub-end of which none can foresee, brought forject as one which Her Majesty's Government could legitimately bring under the notice of the Government of the United States. For his own part, he thought that the hon. Member for Stockport had done great service in bringing this question before the House. He thought, moreover, that the right hon. Gentleman the Chan"cellor of the Exchequer had avoided the \real question. No. want of faith was imputed to the American Government; no blame or breach of national obligation was charged upon them; but what the hon.

Mr. Oliphant

ward on a Motion for going into Committee of Supply, and I think that, while the House has an undoubted right to debate with perfect freedom any question that may be brought before it, it will be advisable under the circumstances not to continue the present discussion. I will only add that a grave matter like this, affecting Ireland and our relations with the United States of America, ought to be brought before the House upon a specific Motion, after due notice has been given to the Government. I hope the House will

not prosecute this discussion further, as a ling that the lion's paw was the only law decision cannot now be arrived at which with John Bull. That whether right or would give satisfaction to the House and wrong we would have our own way, and to the country. would not submit to an impartial tribunal. It had been said that the American Government had treated France and Spain in a very different manner to that in which they had treated this country, and he believed that to have been the case, but France and Spain had treated America in a different manner from that pursued by this country, and had allowed no Alabamas to leave their shores. [Cries of "Oh, oh!"] Hon. Gentlemen might say "Oh, oh! but he had, he believed, taken more trouble to understand America than most Gentlemen in that House. He could not see what reason we had to refuse to go to arbitration, though he refrained from expressing his opinion as to whether that tribunal would decide we were right or wrong. The complaint of America was simply this, that we somehow or another, whether rightly or wrongly, allowed certain vessels to escape from our ports, and to prey upon their commerce, and when they asked us for an impartial tribunal of arbitration we refused it.

REGISTRY OF DEEDS OFFICE

(IRELAND).-QUESTION.

MR. THOMAS HUGHES said, no Member of the House had been more delighted to hear the course the discussion had taken than himself. The tone that had been taken by the Government and by all the hon. Gentlemen who had spoken, showed that the House was most sincerely and most deeply anxious to maintain friendly relations with the United States of America. The hon. and learned Gentleman (the Attorney General) in the earlier part of the debate, had said, in speaking of the question of arbitration in reference to the Alabama and other vessels that went out from this country during the American war, that there were two reasons which, in his opinion, prevented the country from going to arbitration. The first reason was that nations must not compromise their honour, and the hon. and learned Gentleman said that dishonour might have been imputed to this country if we had gone to arbitration. He (Mr. Hughes) thought he had a right to ask why? If the Government had been right in their contention there could have been no dishonour in taking that course. He felt very strongly upon that point. It was all very well to say that it was with nations as it was with individuals, that they were the guardians of their own honour, but even in the days when duelling flourished, and men were apparently more jealous of their honour, the duellists had seconds who formed a court of arbitration to which the principals went, before going to the great argument arbitrium. The second of the hon. and learned Gentleman's reasons was that it would have been a dangerous precedent if the Government had held themselves responsible for the acts of subjects which could not have been prevented. In that, however, the learned Attorney General begged the whole question, which was whether or not these acts could have been prevented. The American people said that they could have been, and though he did not say that he agreed with them, as he thought it very probable that those acts could not have been prevented, still he thought it would have been better if the matter had gone before an impartial tribunal, so that it might have been proved whether prevention could have been applied or not. He did not wonder at the soreness of the Americans, or at their say-restored to Ireland.

MR. DILLON asked Mr. Chancellor of the Exchequer, Whether it does not appear by a Parliamentary Return of July 1864, No. 557, that between the 31st day of May 1830, and the 31st day of May 1864, the Surplus Fees of the Registry of Deeds Office (Ireland), lodged to the credit of the Consolidated Fund, amount to £41,710 88. 7d., of which sum (as appears by the same Return) only £800 has been allocated by the Treasury for the purposes of the Office, leaving a balance of £40,910 88. 7d.; whether, having regard to the 35th section of 2 & 3 Will. 4 c. 87, the above mentioned appropriation of such Surplus Fees is not contrary to law; and, whether there is any objection to lay upon the table Copies of any Memorials addressed, during the last three years, by the Corporation of Dublin, or by any other public bodies or individuals in Ireland, to the Lords of the Treasury, in relation to the Surplus Fees of said Office, and the application thereof? He said, he respectfully submitted that this sum of £40,000, Irish money, had strayed away into the Consolidated Fund, and was now appropriated contrary to law, and ought to be

Bill on First Resolution ordered to be brought in by Mr. DoDSON, Mr. CHANCELLOR of the ExSUPPLY-MARRIAGE PORTION OF THE CHEQUER, and Sir GEORGE GREY.