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In reference to one of his propositions I put the question to him, whether it was transcendentalism, metaphysics, or nonsense, and I showed him why I could not get at the sense of it, and asked him to explain or modify it, that I might answer it. I have appealed to him night after night to make good one assertion contained in another of his interrogatories, and he has utterly failed to do it. Time and time and time again have I asked him to show me any one law of the kind of which he says in one of his questions there are twenty-three on the statute book. He is a lawyer; he has twice brought to the place of our discussion his digest; yet he has utterly failed to find one such act. And I ask him now, in your presence, to point oup to-morrow night one law “having for its object the declared purposes of giving to the negro all the rights, immunities, and privileges which have hitherto been enjoyed by the white man only.” If he finds one law of the kind of which he asserts there are twenty-three, I will say that I know nothing about the legislation of that Congress of which I have been a member. Yet he tells you that he has been boring at me as though it were with an auger, and that all he could get out of me was “wages for the negro.” The gentleman is doing what the Southern leaders did before the rebellion; he is appealing to the passions of his party to destroy our country; he is appealing to your prejudice against the negro; he is fomenting a prejudice against New England; he is fomenting prejudice against the Government and against its currency, in the hope of giving success to the Southern rebellion; and in the course of this debate he has used as his authorities books gotten up by the rebel chiefs to delude the Southern people, and by one of their agents in a foreign country to poison the minds of European nations against us. That is strong language, gentlemen, but when you read one of the gentleman's early speeches, those of you who have read one of Fernando Wood's, will find that he quoted from that speech or from the book from which Fernando got it (and if so, he curiously hit upon just the same quotations that Fernando made) a lot of falsely alleged sayings of prominent Northern supporters of the Administration and members of the Republican party; and that he classed Wendell Phillips and Lloyd Garrison in their early days as members of the Republican party, and ascribed to the Administration party the utterances of those men made twenty years before the Republican party was organized, which was in 1854. I said to the gentleman as soon as I could get the floor, “The alleged quotations which you have read from Republican members of Congress are not authentic ; for when Mr. Wood had those extracts read by the clerk in Congress, several gentlemen to whom they were ascribed arose in their seats and denounced them as false, and asked Mr. Wood to say when or where or in whose presence they had been uttered.” Yes, the gentleman is going around among the workingmen of Philadelphia, on the eve of this great election, and employing the forgeries that the Southern leaders used to “fire the Southern heart,” in the hope of creating a fatal prejudice against the Government. Now, I come to the Globe, and will prove by it that John Quincy Adams never uttered the sentiments which the gentleman read and ascribed to him. Yet what the gentleman read was, so far as it went, the very language of John Quincy Adams. So, as I remarked the other night at Manayunk, the man quoted the very language of the Bible when he said “there is no God,” but he omitted the words immediately preceding, which were, “The fool hath said in his heart;” and thus by cutting off a clause of the sentence he made the book lie, although he quoted its precise language, so far as he went. Thus, by altering a question into an assertion (there is a great difference between putting a question and making an assertion), and by omitting the words which I am going to read, he satisfied me for the time that in some vagary, in some moment of fantasy, John Quincy Adams had argued in favor of secession. Do you know how my friend came to do this? He is too much of a gentleman to falsify the record. He has been my friend for years, and I know that he would no more concoct a thing of that kind than he would forge my name to a note. But when he adopted a bad cause, he took the books of the promoters of that bad cause; and when he took the book of George McHenry—a traitor, though he was of Philadelphia birth, a man who is to-day the agent of the Confederate Government in Liverpool—he had the lie ready coined ; and he would not have read it, had he known it to be the forgery it is. Mark what I say; the gentlemen is travelling around and peddling out to the Democracy of Philadelphia the forgeries and the frauds got up by the leaders and the agents of the Confederacy with which we have been at war for nearly four years. Now, by converting one sentence of Mr. Adams which was a question into an affirmation, and by omitting these words, the fraud is perpetrated:—“In the calm hours of self-possession, the right of a State to nullify an act of Congress is too absurd for argument and too odious for discussion. The right of a State to secede from the Union is equally disowned by the principles of the Declaration of Independence.” Yes, the author of that paragraph was quoted by the gentleman to prove that a State had a right to secede Mr. Judah P. Benjamin, in preparing a document to “fire the Southern heart,” made misquotations from twenty or thirty Northern men. His speech is contained in this volume (The Congressional Globe). The late Brigadier-General Edward D. Baker replied to that speech, and pointed out the forgeries and the frauds, of which this alleged extract from John Quincy Adams was one. I made a comparison with the original, and proved the version given by Senator. Baker to be correct, Now, I say, my country is at war, and I am for my country right or wrong. If she is wrong, I will try, when the war is over, to put her right. She is, however, at war for my rights. She is at war for the richest heritage my children can have ; the memories of our early history and the Revolutionary struggle for freedom. She is at war to maintain my rights and your rights in the Southern States. We have the right, under the Constitution, to citizenship in every Southern State. You were not all born in Pennsylvania, even though you will vote here on next Tuesday. Some of you are natives of Southern States, some of Eastern States, some of Western States. But the Constitution of the United States gives to the citizens of each and every State the privileges and immunities of citizens in the several States. Therefore I have a right to go as I did to Massachusetts, remain there four years, meanwhile becoming a citizen, and then to return to my native State and in six months resume my citizenship here. If, because wages are low here, or for any other reason, you or I wish to settle in Virginia, in North Carolina, in South Carolina, Georgia, Mississippi, or other State, we have the right to do so, and the Constitution guarantees to us, in any State to which we may go, the rights of citizens. And yet, in view of the fact that the war is for these great rights of ours, my friend rose in holy horror and confessed before the people of Spring Garden that he has an utter “repugnance to bayonets and knocking men's brains out.” He makes this declaration that the Southern members of his party may be encouraged in their efforts to rob you of citizenship in fifteen States of your country, and strike fifteen stars from its flag; and in order to delude you to follow him, he tells you this is “a war for the negro.” Was South Carolina fighting for the negro when, on the 12th of April, 1861, she fired on Fort Sumter? Was the Confederacy preparing to fight for the negro, when its Secretary of War, on the receipt of the news at Montgomery, Ala., that Sumter had fallen, proclaimed to the gaping crowd that before the 1st of May ensuing “the stars and bars,” the flag of that Confederacy, would float over the proud Capitol of your country Was it the Abolitionists that made this war Ž It was the Southern traitors—the women-whippers and men stealers of the South —the people who do not believe that the laboring man ought to have wages for his work. Now, let us look at the question philosophically. In the South there are less than four millions and a half of people with African blood in their veins. Among them are the sons and daughters of those who claim to be the best white people of the South. I had occasion to tell the gentleman that we have within our lines the colored children of Jefferson Davis and his brother, Joseph Davis, and that the mulatto daughter of General Robert E. Lee has frequently waited upon me at the Arlington House. I also had occasion to tell him that eighty-one per cent. of the free colored people of Louisiana have white blood in their veins, and that seventy-eight per cent. of the free colored people of Alabama have white blood in their veins. And that in the veins of more than one out of every ten slaves pining on plantations there is white blood. I ask the gentleman by what process that blood was got there. Mr. Northrop—I have not been there and I cannot answer. Judge Kelley—The gentleman says he has not been there and cannot answer. I suppose he thinks that white men went there and had their blood drawn from them, and then drew a little out of each “darkey” and pumped the white blood in I am sure that he thinks it was done in that way. He is evidently a believer in the theories of Dr. Sangrado. These negroes (some of whom are as white as we are and in whom you cannot trace a spark of negro blood) number in the aggregate four millions and a half. Of the white people of the country the whole number is about twenty-six millions. Yet the gentleman thinks the four millions and a half of negroes so much more sacred and important than the twenty-six millions of whites, that he insists upon it that the war is for them I Does your country belong to the negroes alone? Was it for the negroes alone that our sacred Constitution was made 7 Was it the negroes that bought Florida from Spain, and Louisiana from France, and conquered Texas and admitted her to the Union ? No, my fellow-citizens, the negro had no voice in it all. It was we and our ancestors who did it; and it is our property that the rebels are trying to get; and the gentleman is trying to cheat you into giving it to them by reading from those books and pamphlets manufactured to “fire the Southern heart” and embitter foreign nations against our country. The gentleman tells you that his theories are such as will keep Northern soldiers at home hereafter. I have asked him night after night to explain that assertion. Do you mean, sir, (addressing Mr. Northrop) to fight the war to the end until our flag shall wave triumphantly over every foot of our country, and that you Democrats will fight it out more vigorously than we ? Or do you mean that, when you get into power, you will surrender to those whom we have driven from the day McClellan left the command of the army 7 What do you mean when you say, “My theories are such as will keep the Northern men from filling soldiers' graves in the South hereafter ?” What do you mean 2 Are you not opposed to using the negro soldier; are you not opposed to sending white soldiers to fight, and would you not bring home those who have gone to the front ? My friends, are you ready to give up your country and strike fifteen stars from your flag 2 That is the only way he can redeem his promise. Is it not an agreeable proposition to you who have been fighting three years? “My theories are such as will keep all Northern soldiers from filling Southern graves hereafter l’” How, sir? What are your theories? Explain them here; for I have not been able to induce you to announce them elsewhere. I know that you are opposed to the use of the negro soldier. I know that you have denounced it, and denounced the legislation by which it has been done, and sneered at me for the part which I have taken in that legislation. Now, if you will not let the negro soldier fight, and if you will not let the white soldier fight, tell these people that you are for the Confederacy and its independence, and that you will hail with joy the “stars and bars” when first they float over our capitol. So help me God, I never will. I am for war to the bitter end, as the only sure means of achieving peace. And if the Democratic party had not made their infamous peace platform at Chicago, and pledged an armistice in case they should come into power, the vigorous blows that Sherman and Sheridan have given the traitors, and the tightness with which Grant is drawing his patent Vicksburg cord around them, would have crushed the rebellion before to-day. Even as it is, the men of Georgia are seeking terms of peace; and Sherman is treating with them as to the means of getting to Washington. The rebellion is crumbling. Its only hope is in the oratory of men who pledge themselves that when they get into power, “no Northern man shall go to fill a soldier's grave in the South.” If I had twenty sons and brothers, I had rather see the last of them die mutilated upon the battle-field than that, after three years of such glorious war as we have had, our armies should fall back, and we beg pardon of the men who fired on Fort Sumter for having been so bold as to defend our country and our rights. The gentleman has sometimes said that those who talk of going to the war ought to go. He has never challenged me directly that I did not go. I am a little over fifty, and never was very strong; but, being here, I do remember one night when I said to many of you, “Come, boys, let's go l’’ And with my rifle and knapsack I went, and had the honor of at least a crack or two at the rebels. I am over age, and physically disabled; but I have pleaded with my best friends, and with every brave boy that I love, to go; and the great cross of my life is that I am not able to go myself, and have not a son large enough to go. Many of you, my neighbors, know my little fellow, and that I am so anxious that he shall go, if his country ever calls him, that (though he is now hardly knee-high to a bumble-bee) I have enrolled him in the Courtland Saunders Cadets. What I no Northern man fill a soldier's grave? Do you [addressing Mr. Northrop] abhor the graves and the memories of the men who, during eight years, fought to achieve our freedom from British despotism 2 Do you regret that our fathers fought the war of 1812? Do you despise the men who during this war have gone out to die for our country, that here, where we are together soliciting votes, you tell these men that you will surrender their country, their flag, their Constitution, their honor, rather than let another man fill a soldier's grave? There are some things worse than death. I would rather die than have history record the fact that I sold my birthright for a mess of pottage; and he who sells his country for a cowardly peace is mean beside the man who sells his birthright for so small a consideration. The gentleman talks of “our rights as Pennsylvanians.” What are our rights? They are such as the Constitution guarantees us; and I challenge him again to-night to point to a single right invaded by Abraham Lincoln. I have been challenging him time and time again. To-night, when he professed to answer, what catalogue of wrongs did he present 2 He substantially read the first article of the amendments to the Constitution, and added that Mr. Lincoln had “interfered with the freedom of religion.” I ask him when, where, and how 2 I ask you, my Democratic fellow-citizens, whether you have ever heard of Abraham Lincoln interfering with the religion of any man. I ask you whether, in assigning chaplains to hospitals and regiments and the regular army, he has not regarded every denomination. Do you even know exactly what his religion is? Then, again, the gentleman says that Mr. Lincoln has interfered with “the freedom of speech and of the press,” and “the right of the people peaceably to assemble and petition the Government for a redress of grievances,” etc. Why did not the gentleman simply say that Mr. Lincoln has violated the first article of the amendments of the Constitution, and then specify the manner in which he has done it? “And,” said he, “he has established unusual punishments, such as banishment.” He has banished but one man, Clement L. Wallandigham. Did he do that illegally or unconstitutionally? Let us look at the question. What were the facts? In a time of war, a Major-General commanding a department had made a proper military order, and Clement L. Wallandigham urged the people to disregard that order. He set himself up against the act of Congress which provided punishment for those who interfered with enlistments; he set himself up in opposition to the commanderin-chief of a department, and urged the people to insubordination and resistance to the general commanding the army. He was arrested, and a military commission inquired into his case. The President did not send him to prison; General Burnside did not send him to prison. He was taken before a military commission, attended by counsel, and had a hearing. He had witnesses in his behalf, and he cross-examined the witnesses against him. There was a regular finding of the court, and he was adjudged guilty. Was he hurried off then 7 No; he sued out a habeas corpus from Judge Leavitt, a judge appointed either by Franklin Pierce or James Buchanan (I forget which) as district judge of the United States for that district. He had a hearing before Judge Leavitt, who decided that his arrest was legal, that the commission before which he had been tried was legal, and handed him over to the punishment to which the commission had adjudged him. Now, the President, more lenient than the commission, instead of confining him, sent him to the friends whose wicked cause he had been sustaining. That was his punishment. There is the whole case, and I challenge the gentleman to point to a more constitutional act than that. J It won’t do for a man who claims to be a patriot to come here, and slander and revile and vilify the Government and all its officers when it is in the agony of a great war. It is not patriotic, it is not wise; and you, my fellow citizens of the Twenty-fourth Ward, whose sons and brothers, and kinsmen and friends are under arms in this great war, will not sustain any man in such a course. It has been the custom of the gentleman on each occasion to assure the audience that he was not arguing in favor of the rebellion; and I have reminded our hearers that it was not necessary for me to give them any such assurance. I speak my convictions plainly, and I do not need to tell my auditors on which side I stand. The gentleman, to frighten you from the further prosecution of the war in which we are engaged, speaks of it as interminable. It only promised to be interminable when we had a general who would not let our armies advance, who put them in a position where they could do nothing, and ordered them to retreat just when they were winning a victory, as was the case at Malvern Hill. From the time Grant has had command of our armies, their march has been victorious. Sherman holds the whole system of Southern railroads. There never will be another raid up the Valley. Grant is, as I have said, drawing his patent Vicksburg cord around Petersburg and Richmond; so that Jeff Davis, the first distinguished rat to desert the falling house of the Confederacy, has gone to Macon. Take away from the rebels, as I have said, the hope that McClellan, and the peace party may triumph, and they would “cave in” before the November election. As I have had occasion to say elsewhere, the war began upon the banks of the Susquehanna. It was between there and Baltimore that the bridges were burned. The first time I saw the rebel flag it was floating over the little village of Havre de Grace, on the south bank of the Susquehanna; and then Ben Butler was sending troops down the bay and around by way of Annapolis, to protect our Capital. Maryland was against us, Kentucky was against us. Tennessee, all but the eastern part and including the Government and the power of the State, was against us. Missouri hung quivering in the balance, until Lyon determined it for us. We had not a foot of land in North Carolina, South Carolina, Florida, Louisiana, Texas, Mississippi and Arkansas—not a foot. Does not our flag now float proudly over parts of all those States? Do not the rebels proclaim that the lives of men are now invaluable to them 7 Have they not gathered into their armies their boys of fourteen and their men of sixty ? So that, although I am not liable to draft or military duty here, I would have nearly ten years of it before me, if I were in the Confederacy. It does not make any matter whether a man has hair on his head or teeth in his mouth, if he is between the ages of fourteen and sixty, and within the bounds of the Confederacy, he must be a soldier. Yet the gentleman tells you that the war will be interminable. Oh, no come out and say as I do, and induce your party leaders to say—that the war shall be fought for the supremacy of the Constitution over every inch of your country, and you will crush the rebellion, and there need be no more “Northern soldiers buried in Southern graves.” It wants but that one gun to burst their Confederacy into thin air. Your sympathy is their last strong fortification. The gentleman has reiterated to you his assertion of Saturday night, that the slave's house and his clothes and food are better pay than the sewing women of Philadelphia get. He phrased it differently on a previous evening, at Manayunk; he then said the slave's “rentless hut, with his hog and hominy, and clothes.” Now, gentlemen, what is his rentless hut? It is a hut without glass in the windows, without hinges to the doors, with a clay floor, and with but one apartment. That is the slave's hut. What is his food 2 Turn to Stroud's Laws of the Slave States and see. You men who have been in the South as soldiers, know that it is coarse hominy and coarser hog, with mighty little of the hog ' You know that the slave's apparel consists of one pair of coarse brogans, and not more than one suit of clothing in a year; and that it is such clothing as we give the felon and the pauper. That is what the slave gets for his year's labor. And the gentleman has the temerity to say that it is better wages than the sewing women of the North get? I deny to you, my fellow-citizens, as I did when the assertion was first made, that it is wages for labor at all. The slaves pay for all they eat and all they wear, and all the medical attendance they receive by the sale of their children. The increase of slaves every year by procreation more than pays for all the food, clothing, and medicine the slaves on Southern plantations get. They get no wages for their work. My God! men of America, has it come to this, that a man pleading with you for your suffrages shall tell you that women who dare not defend their own chastity, who cannot be married, but are forced to bear children, and whose children are sold in their presence—daughters to prostitution and sons to lives of unpaid labor—are better off than our working women of the North ? He points you with horror to some alleged instance in which a sewing girl was seduced by her employer. Oh, my God! let him enter the slave-hut and see the slave's fair daughter—the slave with one-eighth of African blood and seven-eighths of white blood in his veins—his daughter, the child of a woman as fair as himself, and she as fair as either. There he sits in his “rentless hut,” and his master or his master's friend comes in, and before his eyes proposes to enjoy the first sexual embrace of that girl; and the poor father and mother dare not say “no.” To ravish her is not a crime—she is but property. By the laws, as I read them at Manayunk, their testimony cannot be heard ; they may not be examined as witnesses; and if they strike a white man, they are punishable with death. Imagine the father and mother of a poor girl in West Philadelphia sitting hand and tongue tied and seeing their daughter thus outraged. Yet the gentleman tells you that the sewing women of our community would be better off if they were only exalted to that condition. I do not agree with him. Nor do I believe that your wives and daughters will. This war, on the part of the South, was made in defence of slavery; and if, when the war is over, we let slavery live, it will make war on our children again. And, I say that every working man, whether he be white or black, is entitled to wages. I say that it is a crime to doom four millions of people to live without marriage. I say that it is a disgrace to Christianity and American civilization that a wife may be violated in the presence of her husband and he not dare strike her violator, or have the right to prosecute him for the wrong; and that a daughter may be sold for prostitution from her weeping mother and raving father. And I say further that, as those who lived and fattened by this accursed institution (which we—I with the rest of the Democratic party, down to 1854—protected) have made war upon the flag, let their accursed institution die, and when the war is over, let no man be able to assert that our flag floats over “the land of the free and the home of the slave l’ But let it be the proud boast of every one that every American, without regard to his complexion, has wages for his work, and may strike in defence of his home, his wife, and his children. I know that you agree with me. You may be a Democrat, and you may have believed me to be a “nigger worshipper,” etc.; but I know that there is no man here who in the bottom of his heart does not say, “Well, after all, Kelley is right in that.” For you believe in justice; you believe in right; you believe in punishing the traitors who have committed the greatest crime that the eye of God ever looked upon, in involving this great country and this happy people in this transcendently bloody war. Now, one quiet word with you, workingmen, on this subject. Why is it that the emigrant ship that comes over here with laboring men from Ireland or Germany never goes into a Southern port 2 Are there not unoccupied acres there? Are there not coal and iron to be worked: "Are there not broad rivers there? is not the summerseason longer and the winter season shorter ? Then why do not emigrants go there 7 Why do they crowd into cold New England, where winter lingers for more than six months in the year? Why, instead of going into the port of Norfolk, where they can buy land at five and seven dollars an acre just around the city, do they come into Portland or Boston, and travel thousands of miles over expensive railways to get to the great Northwest ? I will tell you why. It is because they come here to better their condition; it is because they come here to get wages for their work; it is because they come here to have their children educated in public schools, and that they may rise from the suffering condition they have endured in the Old World; and they know that in the South a system of unpaid labor exists; they know that they cannot go there and labor and thrive, because there the free white laborer is looked down on with contempt, and watched with keen eyes by jealous tyrants. Will a man, as I asked the other evening, employ a blacksmith at $1.50 or $2.00 per day when he can go into the market and buy a blackSmith for a thousand dollars, and make him sleep with the wenches, and keep selling his babies to pay for what he eats and wears? You form Trades-Unions here in the North and prevent men from working below a certain standard of prices; and you support your fellow-workmen while they are on a strike. There in the South are four millions of people who want to get wages, who want to join your Trades-Unions, who want to open that country for wages-paid labor; so that, instead of travelling a thousand or fifteen hundred miles over a railroad to find a field for his labor, your cousin, when he comes here from a foreign land, can walk right into the Sunny South and settle down there. You Irishmen, especially, raise money to bring your friends out, and you know what it costs to get them to the distant West. These Southern laboring men, though their skins are not colored like your own, will, if they are free, want wages for their work, and will demand them ; and when the Southern aristocrat gets accustomed to paying wages the white man will go in there, and the negro will go slowly down towards the tropics, his ancestral region. He never would have come here from the burning climate of Africa, but that despotism and violence brought him. Make him free and he will drift down toward the tropics and dwell again in the torrid climate of his ancestors, but on another continent. It is your interest, the interest of every laboring man, the interest of every, man whose kindred are among the oppressed people of England, Ireland, Scotland, Germany, or any of the nations of Europe, that this whole country, from the Aroostook to the Del Norte, and from the Atlantic to the Pacific, should be free as it is in the North, and that the law should prevail by which every man, woman, and child that does an hour's work should be entitled to a fair hour's wages. That is what I plead for. The policy of the gentleman would shut out from these advantages the white emigrant coming from Europe, as well as the white man of the Northern city. He tells you that I speak only for the negro. Men of West Philadelphia, am I not speaking for you and your rights as Pennsylvanians? Refer to my

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