exclaimed, "The State, it is I!" so, when we have conferred these powers, one after another, on the President, I think he may make a similar exclamation. This amendment was also lost. Mr. Sumner then moved the following substitute for the pending bill: "That the Secretary of the Navy be authorized to hire any vessels needed for the national service, and, if he see fit, to put them in charge of officers commissioned by the United States, and to give them in every respect the character of national ships." THE proposition on which a vote is now asked has all that is good in the pending measure, without any of the unquestionable disadvantages. I am unwilling to trespass upon the Senate, and would hope that I am not too earnest; but the question, to my mind, is of no common character. The Senator who presses this measure seeks, to employ private enterprise in all wars, domestic or foreign: I show him how it can be done. He seeks to enlist the private marine of the country in the public service: I show him how it can be done. He seeks to contribute at this moment to the national force: I show him how it can be done. Say not that I am against the employment of private enterprise. Nor say that I would allow our private marine to rot at the wharf. Nor say that I would begrudge anything needed by the national force. To this end the Senate cannot go further than I. All that the Senator would do I would do, but in a way to avoid those embarrassments and difficulties necessarily incident to privateering, and so as to be in harmony with the civilization of our age. Nor shall it be said. that I shrink from any of the responsibilities which belong to us with regard to foreign nations; but I desire to say, that among the highest responsibilities which any can recognize is that of doing nothing needlessly which shall add to existing troubles or give the country a new burden. In conclusion, let me once more remind you that every privateer upon the ocean carries the right of search. Wherever he sails, he is authorized to overhaul neutral ships in search of contraband, or, it may be, to determine if the voyage is to break the blockade. A right so delicate and grave I would reserve to the Government, to be exercised only by national ships. I cannot err, when I insist that it shall be intrusted to those only whose position, experience, and relations with the Government give assurance that it will be exercised with wisest discretion. If, in order to secure private enterprise and to enlist all its energies, it were necessary to have privateers, then the argument of the other side might be entitled to weight. But all that you desire can be had without any such resort, and without any drawback or disadvantage. Let the Secretary of the Navy hire private ships, wherever he can find them, and put them in commission as national ships, with the rations, pay, officers, and character of national ships. This will be simple and most effective. I am at a loss for any objection to it: I can see none. I may be mistaken, Sir, but I speak in frankness. To my mind the question between the two propositions is too clear for argument. On one side it is irrational, barbarous, and fruitless, except of trouble. On the other side you have practical strength, and the best assurance of that prudence which is the safeguard of peace. Between the two let the Senate choose. This amendment was also lost, - Yeas 8, Nays 28. The bill then passed the Senate, passed the House of Representatives without a division, and was subseYeas 27, Nays 9. March 2d, it quently approved by the President. Failing in Congress, Mr. Sumner renewed his opposition with President Lincoln, urging upon him the impolicy of any action under the law. He advised most strenuously that no commissions should be issued, and that the law should be allowed to remain a dead letter. The President was so much impressed by these representations that he invited Mr. Sumner to attend the next meeting of his Cabinet and make them there. When Mr. Sumner doubted the expediency of such a step, as possibly giving rise to comment, the President requested him to see the members of his Cabinet individually, which he did. sions were ever issued, and the attempt soon subsided. No commis This effort to set afloat privateers created anxiety among our friends in England. Mr. Bright wrote: "I hope the President will remain firm against the letters of marque, so long as peace is preserved. They will do no good, and only tend to war. was sorry your fight against the bill was in vain." I A letter from Mr. Bates, the intelligent American partner in the London house of the Barings, confirmed the President in his determination. Another letter from the same source concurs with Mr. Bright in condemning the project. "I am very glad that anything I have written has had any effect in stopping the issue of letters of marque, for I am convinced that their issue would have led to a war, and would have given those who in this country wish for war an opportunity through the press to make a war popular. It would, further, have been playing into the hands of the Confederates, who are doing all they can to embarrass the relations between this country and the United States. It is the last card the Confederates have to play." The Act of Congress authorizing letters of marque has since expired by its own limitation. 1 APPOINTMENTS TO THE NAVAL ACADEMY. REMARKS IN THE SENATE, ON THE BILL TO REGULATE THE APPOINTMENT OF MIDSHIPMEN TO THE NAVAL ACADEMY, FEBRUARY 16, 1863. THE Senate having under consideration the bill to regulate the appointment of midshipmen, Mr. Anthony, of Rhode Island, moved the following amendment : "And to be selected by the Senators, Representatives, and Delegates on the ground of merit and qualification, to be ascertained by an examination of the candidates, and that the Secretary of the Navy be authorized to make the regulations under which such examinations shall be conducted, not inconsistent with the provisions of this Act." Mr. Sumner sustained the amendment. BECAUSE ECAUSE these appointments are conferred upon youth, or, if you please, upon boys, it seems to me that they are too often regarded as of little moment. In reality, they are among the most important appointments under Government. They are appointments for life; since, beginning with the youth or boy, they end only at death, it may be as captain, commodore, or admiral, supported always at the expense of the country, and with increasing emoluments corresponding to increasing rank. Therefore do I think that the Government cannot be too careful in securing the best youths, and I welcome cordially the proposition of the Senator from Rhode Island. I think it entirely practicable, and also most |