CHAP. V.

CONVENTION AT MONTGOMERY.

1451 of representatives, legally chosen by the inhabitants to perfect their plans. Howell Cobb, of Georgia, was chosen to preside, who, in a short speech, declared that they represented "sovereign and independent States;" that the separation was a "fixed and irrevocable fact-perfect, complete, and perpetual. With a consciousness of the justice of our cause," he said, “and with confidence in the guidance and blessings of a kind Providence, we will this day inaugurate for the South a new era of peace, security, and prosperity."

It was soon found that perfect harmony could not be expected to prevail in that Convention. There were too many ambitious men there to promote serenity of thought and manner, and the sweetness of concord. They were nearly all aspirants for high positions in the new empire about to be formed; and each felt himself, like Bottom the Weaver, capable of sustaining any character, from that of a“ Lion " to "Moonshine." The South Carolina politicians were particularly clamorous for honors and emoluments. Their State, they said, had taken the lead-struck the first blow-in the revolution, and they deserved the highest seats. Judge McGrath, who laid aside his official robes at Charleston, sent word that he would like to put them on again at Montgomery as Attorney-General. R. Barnwell Rhett, one of the most violent of the politicians, thought himself particularly fitted to be Secretary of War; and because his claims were not allowed, he wrote complaining letters to his son, the editor of the Charleston Mercury, some of the originals of which are now before me, and are rich in revelations of disappointed. ambition. On the 16th of February, Rhett said in a letter, written at Montgomery: "They have not put me forward for office, it is true. I have two enemies in the [South Carolina] delegation. One friend, who, I believe, wants no office himself, and will probably act on the same principle for his friend-and the rest, personally, are indifferent to me, whilst some of them are not indifferent to themselves. There is no little jealousy of me by a part of them, and they never will agree to recommend me to any position whatever under the Confederacy. I expect nothing, therefore, from the delegation, lifting me to position. Good-bye, my dear son." Rhett and men of his way of thinking had counselled violence and outrage from the beginning, but they were restrained in the Convention by more sensible men like Stephens and Hill of Georgia, Brooks of Mississippi, and Perkins of Louisiana.

The sessions of the Convention were mostly held in secret. A committee of thirteen was appointed, with C. G. Memminger as chairman, to report a plan for a provisional Confederate government, and it was agreed to call the Convention a "Congress." The Legislature of Alabama voted a

loan of half a million dollars to enable the Secessionists to set the new government in motion; and on the same day (February 7, 1861,) the committee reported a plan, the basis of which was the National Constitution with some important modifications. They gave the name of the government organized under it the Confederate States of America. This was a misnomer; for no States as States were parties to the affair; it was only a confederation of politicians without the sanction of the people.

The constitution of the provisional government was adopted by the unanimous "vote of the States" on the 8th of February. On the following day, the members of the Convention took the oath of allegiance to the Confederate States of America; and then they proceeded to elect Jefferson Davis of Mississippi, provisional president, and Alexander H. Stephens of Georgia, vice-president of the Confederacy. The vast multitude who thronged the State-House received the announcement of the election with vehement applause, and the same evening Mr. Stephens was serenaded. In a brief speech he predicted a glorious career for the Confederacy, if it should be supported by "the virtue, intelligence, and patriotism of the people." Alluding to the slave-system, he said: "With institutions, so far as regards their organic and social policy, in strict conformity to nature and the laws of the Creator, whether read in the Book of Inspiration or the great Book of Manifestations around us, we have all the natural elements essential to the highest attainment in the highest degree of power and glory. These institutions have been much assailed, and it is our mission to vindicate the great truths on which they rest, and with them exhibit the highest type of civilization which it is possible for human society to reach."

Having appointed standing committees, the Convention proceeded to choose a committee to report a form for a permanent government for the Confederacy, and they and the members warmly discussed the subject of a proper national flag and seal. Almost daily, various devices were sent in; and finally they decided that the national flag should consist of two red and. one white stripe of equal width, running horizontally, with a blue union spangled with seven white stars, for, since the beginning of their session, Texas had joined the Confederacy, making seven States in their union. This flag, under which the insurgent hosts rushed to battle, was first displayed over the State-House at Montgomery on the 4th of March, 1861. The Confederate government never possessed a seal, the emblem of sovereignty. One which they had ordered from England arrived at Richmond just as the Confederacy was broken up, in April, 1865, and was never used.

When Jefferson Davis was apprised, at his home near Vicksburg, of his election to the presidency, he hastened to Montgomery, where he was

CHAP. V.

THE CONFEDERATE GOVERNMENT.

1453

received with great enthusiasm, on the 15th of February. He was welcomed with the thunder of cannon and shouts of a great multitude; and at the railway station he made a speech, in which he briefly reviewed the then position of the South. He declared that the time for compromises had passed. "We are now determined," he said, "to maintain our position, and make all who oppose us smell Southern powder and feel Southern steel. We will maintain our rights and our government at all hazards. We ask nothing; we want nothing; and will have no complications. If the other States join our Confederacy, they can freely come in on our Our separation from the old Union is complete, and no compromise, no reconciliation can now be entertained." He was inaugurated on the 18th, when he chose for his constitutional advisers, Robert Toombs, Secretary of State; Charles G. Memminger, Secretary of the Treasury; Le Roy Pope Walker, Secretary of War; Stephen R. Mallory, Secretary of the Navy, and John H. Reagan, Postmaster-General. Judah P. Benjamin was appointed Attorney-General. So was inaugurated the government known as the Confederate States of America, which carried on war against the life of our Republic for more than four years.

terms.

CHAPTER VI.

LUNACY-YIELDING TO NECESSITY-WILD DREAMS OF THE

FUTURE-BOASTING-THE CONFEDERATES PREPARE FOR WAR-PERMANENT CONSTITUTION ADOPTED—ADJOURNMENT OF THE

MONTGOMERY CONVENTION-PRINCIPLES OF THE NEW GOVERNMENT EXPOUNDED-LINCOLN AND DAVIS-LINCOLN'S JOURNEY TO THE CAPITAL-NARRATIVE OF HIS ESCAPE-HIS INAUGURATION AND INAUGURAL ADDRESS-DUTIES OF THE ADMINISTRATION-CONDITION OF THE ARMY AND NAVY-BENTON'S PROPHECY-CONFEDERATE COMMISSIONERS AT THE CAPITALTHE VIRGINIANS-ATTEMPT TO RELIEVE FORT SUMTER AND THE RESULT.

T

HERE were symptoms of real lunacy among some of the leaders

in the revolutionary movement, especially in South Carolina. When that new "nation" was only nine days old, a correspondent of the Associated Press wrote that it had been proposed to adopt for it a new system of civil time, to show its independence. Only a week after the organization of the Southern Confederacy at Montgomery, the editor of the Charleston Courier wrote: "The South might, under the new Confederacy, treat the disorganized and demoralized Northern States as insurgents, and deny them recognition. But if peaceful division ensues, the South, after taking the Federal Capitol and archives, and being recognized as the government de facto by all foreign powers, can, if they see proper, recognize the Northern Confederacy or Confederacies, and enter into treaty stipulations with them. Were this not done, it would be difficult for the Northern States to take a place among the nations, and their flag would not be respected or recognized." There was much "wild talk" of that sort; and the venerable James L. Pettigru of Charleston, who remained a firm friend of the Union in spite of the madmen around him, was justified when, on being asked by a stranger in the streets of the city, "Where is the lunatic asylum?" he said, as he pointed alternately to the east, "It is there;" to the west, "It is there;" to the north, "It is there;" and to the south, "It is there; the whole State of South Carolina is a lunatic asylum.". Notwithstanding the same arrogant and world-defying spirit was superficially manifested in the councils of the Confederacy at Montgomery, they were compelled to bow to the behests of prudence and expediency, and, abandoning the position that they would have free trade with all the world whereby the riches of the earth would fall at their feet, they proceeded not

CHAP. VI.

CONFIDENCE OF THE SECESSIONISTS.

1455 only to impose a tariff upon imports, but regarding "King Cotton" as immortal and omniscient, they even went so far as to propose an export duty on the great staple of the Gulf States. Howell Cobb, who proposed it, said: "I apprehend that we are conscious of the power we hold in our hands, by reason of our producing that staple so necessary to the world. J doubt not that power will exert an influence mightier than armies or navies. We know that by an embargo we could soon place not only the United States, but many of the European powers, under the necessity of electing between such a recognition of our independence as we require, or domestic convulsions at home." Of this supposed omnipotent power, and the superior courage and prowess in arms of the people of the slave-labor States, the leaders were continually boasting. Senator Hammond, of South Carolina, a wealthy slaveholder and a son of a New England schoolmaster, writing to a feminine relative in Schenectady, New York, on the 5th of February, 1861, after alluding to the dissolution of the Union, and saying, "We absolve you, by this, from all the sins of slavery, and take upon ourselves all its supposed sin and evil, openly before the world, and in the sight of God," remarked: "Let us alone. Let me tell you, my dear cousin, that if there is any attempt at war on the part of the North, we can soundly thrash them on any field of battle." "One Southron is equal to five Yankees in a fight!" exclaimed Yancey, in a speech at Selma. And the Convention at Montgomery proceeded to prepare for testing the relative strength of the two sections.

President Davis was authorized to accept one hundred thousand volunteers for six months, and to borrow $15,000,000 at the rate of eight per cent interest a year. Provision was made for a navy and a postal revenue; and Davis was authorized to assume control of "all military operations between the Confederate States" or any of them, and powers foreign to them. The Convention recommended the several States to cede the forts and all other public establishments within their limits to the Confederate States; and P. G. T. Beauregard, a Louisiana creole, who had abandoned his flag, was appointed brigadier-general and ordered from New Orleans to the command of the insurgents at Charleston. Early in March a permanent constitution for the Confederacy was adopted; and a commission was appointed to proceed to Washington and make a settlement of all questions at issue between the "two governments," while the Confederate secretary of the treasury prepared to establish custom-houses along the frontiers of the Confederate States. After agreeing, by resolution, to accept a portion of the money belonging to the United States which Louisiana had unlawfully seized, the Convention adjourned. Their proceedings were never