Justice to the Blacks

South Atlantic, March, 1878. From a public address by Gen. Wade Hampton. Represents the sentiments of his class. [August 7, 1867]

As it is of the last consequence to maintain the same amicable relations which have heretofore existed between the whites and the blacks, I cannot too strongly reiterate my counsel that all classes should cultivate harmony and exercise forbearance. Let our people remember that the negroes have . . behaved admirably, and that they are in no manner responsible for the present condition of affairs. Should they, in the future, be misled by wicked or designing men, let us consider how ignorant they necessarily are, and let us, only the more, try to convince them that we are their best friends. Deal with them with perfect justice, and thus show that you wish to promote their advancement and enlightenment. Do this, and the negroes will not only learn to trust you, but they will appreciate the fact, so evident to us, that we can do without them far better than they can do without us. On a late public occasion . . I expressed my perfect willingness to see impartial suffrage established at the South, and I believe that this opinion is entertained, not only by a large majority of the intelligent and reflecting whites, but also of this same class among the blacks. The Supreme Court has decided that a negro is not a citizen of the United States, and Congress cannot reverse that decision by an act. The states, however, are competent to confer citizenship on the negro, and I think it is the part of wisdom that such action be taken by the Southern States. We have recognized the freedom of the blacks and have placed this fact beyond all possibility of a doubt, denial or recall. Let us recognize in the same frank manner, and as fully, their political rights also.

A Negro's Speech

Montgomery Mail, April 21, 1867. Delivered at a meeting of whites and blacks in Mobile. This was before the whites gave up the attempt to divide the negro vote. [April 19, 1867] I RECEIVED an invitation from the white citizens of Mobile to

speak for the purpose of reconciling our races, . .

to extend

the hand of fellowship. . . I believe [they] are sincere in what they promise. . . Let us remove the past from our bosoms, and reconcile ourselves and positions together. I am certain that my race cannot be satisfied unless granted all the rights allowed by the law and by that flag. The resolutions read to you to-night guarantee every thing. Can you expect any more? If you do, I would like to know where you are going to get it. I am delighted in placing myself on this platform, and in doing this I am doing my duty to my God and my country. We want to do what is right. We believe white men will also do what is right.

Beginning of Opposition

Annual Cyclopedia, 1867, p. 28.

Platform promulgated by the first political convention held in Alabama after the Civil War. Though composed mainly of former Whigs the convention organized what is now the Democratic party in Alabama.

[1867]

THE Conservative men of the State of Alabama. . adopt, as an expression of their views, the following resolutions of the Conservative men of the State of Pennsylvania, adopted at a recent convention in that State:

I. The Constitution of the United States. . is binding upon every inhabitant of all ranks, sexes, colors, ages, and conditions, and it is the duty of each and every one, without exception, or modification under any circumstances, to adhere to, protect, and defend the same.

2. In all conflict of powers under that instrument the supreme judiciary power is the only arbiter. .

3. The Union of the States is decided by the war and accepted by the Southern people to be perpetual. . .

4. Congress is not the Federal Government, nor is the President, nor the Supreme Court. The Federal Government is that frame of civil polity established by the Constitution, consisting of all three, each supreme in his own limits, and each entitled, equally with the others, to the loyal obedience of every inhabitant of all the States.

5. By the Constitution and under the fundamental law of the Federal Government . . and of which Congress itself is

the creature, representation in Congress and the electoral colleges is a right, fundamental and indestructible in its nature, and abiding in every State; being a duty as well as right pertaining to the people of every State, and the denial of which is the destruction of the Federal Government.

The Conservative men of Alabama adopt, as a further expression of their opinions and purposes, the following:

6. Each State under the Constitution has the exclusive right to prescribe the qualifications of its own electors.

7. . . It is our earnest aim and purpose to cultivate relations of friendship, harmony, and peace between the two races -to deal justly with the blacks to instruct and aid in instructing them in a proper understanding of all their duties to themselves, to society, and to the country - and we denounce as treacherous and base all attempt by bad men to engender or encourage antagonism between the two races.

8... We are inhabitants of a common country, sharers and sufferers of a common destiny and we will do all in our power to instruct and elevate the colored race in its moral, social and political responsibilities.

9. . . While we have much charity for the colored man, and feel inclined to look indulgently and tolerantly on his prejudices of race, inculcated and encouraged as they have been by recent events, and by insidious counsel of bad men, we appeal to him by the common interests of a common country, to place his trust in those he knows to be honorable, and to deal cautiously with strangers who bear no evidence that they were honored where they are better known.

Opposition of the Whites in Arkansas

J. M. Harrell, The Brooks and Baxter War, p. 37. Advice of white leaders. [1867]

AFTER a most careful and thorough consideration of the Reconstruction Act itself, with all the reasons for and against which we have heard or read, we regard reconstruction under that act as an impossibility. Some sort of restoration may be had under it, but a reconstruction such as will give our people

equal rights with others, and such as will secure to our State and her citizens full constitutional rights, cannot be had under that measure. Any reconstruction short of this would be a cruel mockery, and would result, in the end, in the certain degradation, prostration and complete ruin of the State. As harsh and severe and as odious as military rule may be, we prefer it infinitely to what must, of necessity, follow from any kind of restoration or reconstruction under that act.

Therefore, a convention to bring about such a reconstruction, as this bill contemplates, is to be avoided as the worst of evils. And if the convention is not needed to effect national restoration, or national integrity, certainly it is not necessary for any merely local purposes. This is more particularly true when in its proceedings hundreds and thousands of our citizens are not permitted to even have a voice, but are altogether excluded, . . disfranchised, and branded as traitors and felons.

We regard it, then, as a sacred duty on the part of those who claim this as their home, and who feel for the pride, honor, and prosperity of the State, to go to the polls and vote against a convention, and at the same time to vote for cautious, prudent, wise, conservative delegates, so that if a convention should be held, its proceedings will be controlled and directed with an assurance that the State will not be given up to destruction.

"Virtue and Intelligence under Foot"

J. S. Reynolds, Reconstruction in South Carolina, p. 75. Protest of convention of whites. Used by permission of Mr. Reynolds. [September 21, 1867]

WE desire peace for its own sake, for its holy Christian influence, and for the civilization and refinement which spring up in its path. Do the Reconstruction acts of Congress propose to give us this peace? No they give us war and anarchy, rather. They sow the seeds of discord in our midst and place the best interests of society in the hands of an ignorant mob. They disfranchise the white citizen and enfranchise the newly emancipated slave. The slave of yesterday, who knew no law but the will of the master, is today about to be invested with the control of the government. In all popular governments

the two great sources of power may be traced, (1) to the exercise of the ballot, (2) to the franchise of the jury box. Invest any people with these two great powers, and they have at once the government of the country in their hands. By the Reconstruction acts of Congress these powers are conferred upon the negro he can make and unmake the Constitution and the laws which he will administer according to the dictates of another or his own caprice.

We are not unfriendly to the negro. . . In his property, in his life and in his person we are willing that the black man and the white man shall stand together upon the same platform and be shielded by the same equal laws. We venture the opinion that the people of South Carolina are prepared to adopt as their own the Constitution of any New England or other Northern State, wherein it is supposed that the civil rights of the negro are more fully and amply secured. But upon a question involving such great and momentous issues we should be untrue to ourselves and unfair to our opponents were we to withhold the frank and full expression of our opinions. We, therefore, feeling the responsibility of the subject and the occasion, enter our most solemn protest against the policy of investing the negro with political rights. The black man is what God and nature and circumstances have made him. That he is not fit to be invested with these important rights may be no fault of his. But the fact is patent to all that the negro is utterly unfitted to exercise the highest functions of the citizen. The government of the country should not be permitted to pass from the hands of the white man into the hands of the negro. The enforcement of the Reconstruction acts by military power under the guise of negro voters and negro conventions cannot lawfully reëstablish civil government in South Carolina. It may for a time hold us in subjection to a quasi-civil government backed by military force, but it can do no more. As citizens of the United States we should not consent to live under negro su premacy, nor should we acquiesce in negro equality. Not for ourselves only, but on behalf of the Anglo-Saxon race and blood in this country, do we protest against this subversion of the