in whose hands, the power is entrusted, to deal with a brave and generous though conquered people, in such a spirit, as will most certainly and speedily ensure the desired result. The confidence of such a people can be won by kindness and generosity. I leave it for those who counsel a different policy, to foreshadow the effects of a contrary course. They may be able to see, how more blood, and more suffering will sooner restore kindlier feelings. I cannot. In the sufferings already endured, and the privations of the present, there appears to me ample atonement, to satisfy the demands of those, who would punish the South for the past. future no such policy is required.

For the security of the

Giving to these general principles the form of practical recommendation, I would say that, all prosecutions and penalties should cease, against those who stand charged alone with the offense of being parties to, and supporters of the southern cause. . . The time for the exercise of this power of general amnesty with which the President is clothed, will arrive when he is satisfied, that the people of the South have abandoned the contest, and have in good faith returned to their allegiance to the United States. . . In such a policy there would be exhibited a spirit of magnanimity, which would find its reward in the happiest results.

If my voice could be heard in the councils of the Government . . I should seek to restore concord and good feeling by extending it to those, from whom I asked it in return; and by a course of generous confidence to win the willing and cheerful support of those whose loyalty and allegiance when thus won, could be relied upon. No man will doubt, that the man who is received back into the Union, and feels, that he has been subjected to no severe penalty, and been required to submit to no humiliating test, will make a truer and better citizen, than the one who feels that his citizenship has been obtained by submitting to harsh and degrading terms, which he was compelled to yield to, to secure the rights he has acquired. . . Secure the honest loyalty of the people, by extending to them a generous confidence, but do not ask them to win your confidence, by losing their own self respect. .

By the abolition of slavery .. a state of things has been produced, well calculated to excite the most serious apprehensions with the people of the South. I regard the result as unfortunate both for the white and black. The institution of slavery, in my judgment provided the best system of labor that could be devised for the negro race. It is due both to the white population and the negroes that the present state of things, should not remain. You will find that our people are fully prepared to conform to the new state of things; and . will be disposed to pursue towards the negroes, a course dictated by humanity and kindness. I take it for granted, that the future relations, between the negroes and their former owners, like all other questions of domestic policy, will be under the control and direction of the State Governments. . . For the remainder of the present year, there may not be very serious troubles, but there should be a more certain and well defined system for the future, than can be enforced under military regulations which are necessarily vague and indefinite; and do not meet many questions that arise. . .

Whilst there has been no action on the part of the Government to justify it, there is a serious apprehension felt, that a system of taxation is contemplated which will impose such burthens upon the people, as they cannot meet; and will end in the virtual confiscation of their estates. . . In the collections of any taxes the fact that there is no money in the hands of the people, and no means of obtaining it at an early day, should be remembered. Time should be given to tax payers to obtain the necessary funds, and thus save the remnants of their former

I am fully conscious of the fact, that what I have said, is subject to the criticism of proceeding from an interested party. This is true. I am interested, deeply interested in the question, not so much for myself, for I have no future, but for my family, my friends, my countrymen but we are not the only persons interested in the solution of this great problem which stands in the history of the world, without precedent or parallel... So is every man who feels an interest in the future not of the South only, but of the whole country.

Herschel V. Johnson on Reconstruction

Johnson MSS. Letter from Johnson to H. M. Watterson, at the request of the latter, for transmission to the President. Johnson, before the Civil War, had been U. S. Senator, justice of the Georgia Supreme Court and governor of Georgia. He was candidate for vice president on the Douglas ticket in 1860. As a member of the Confederate Congress he had favored negotiations for peace. In 1865 he was president of the Georgia Constitutional Convention.

[October 28, 1865]

AFTER the States shall have organized their governments on the basis indicated by the President, I would be pleased, if he would publish a Proclamation to the effect that they are entitled to representation in Congress, provided they should elect Senators and Representatives constitutionally qualified to hold seats in the two respective branches. . . It would not only delight the Southern States, but, in my judgment, it would be a stroke of masterly policy. For being constitutionally qualified, no party in the North can be sustained who will advocate their rejection.

states.

Such a proclamation will present the issue distinctly, in advance of the assembling of Congress, whether the Union can be fully restored upon Constitutional grounds. This involves two distinct advantages. First, it will elicit the popular will in time to produce a salutary effect upon the members of Congress from the Northern and Western States and thus develop the strength of the Conservative element in those Secondly, The radicals, who intend to make war on the President, will have to accept the issue thus tendered, of restoration and reconstruction upon the basis of the Constitution and force them to take the initiative in the warfare. rejection of Southern members and senators on the basis of the Constitutional qualifications, is revolutionary in its tendency and must bring upon its authors, the odium of perpetuating a disunion, which they have fought nearly five years to prevent. They, in a word, become the disunion party. . .

The

The Treasury Department is taking steps to collect internal revenue. This will destroy our people, if the valuation of property according to the assessment of 1860 is adhered to. It ought to be remembered that the tax-paying capacity of our people is exhausted. Property is not actually worth one-fourth

of the valuation of 1860. The people are without money and they have nothing to sell. I beg you to appeal to the President in our behalf on this subject. Ask him, for the sake of justice, to cause the valuation of 1860 to be abandoned and to assess the tax according to its present value. We may possibly be able to pay on this basis - but the basis of 1860 will ruin thousands, the large majority of whom are widows and orphans and . . men of small means.

Clothed with as much power of patronage as is the President, I have no doubt of his ability, by legitimate means, to induce the Clerk of the H. R., in calling the roll of the states, to call the late seceding States. This is of vast importance in the work of restoration. For it puts all on an equality before the House is organized and gives all an opportunity to vote for Speaker. In such a condition of things the Southern States would have great power for good.

You may say to the President, with the most perfect confidence, that he can withdraw military power from Georgia as soon as he pleases. All is safe. Our Legislature will do justice and give ample protection to the freedman. The people . will, in good faith, maintain the peace, adhere to the Union and obey the laws and Constitution.

5. UNIONIST PLANS

Observations of a Union Leaguer

Johnson MSS. Letter of A. Watson of Tennessee to President Johnson. [April 17, 1865]

THE city of Washington is spotted with rebels. . . Not only are rebels in the streets, and in every kind of business, but they are in every department, and even in and around the White House. Shall this thing continue, or will you, like the fabled Hercules, clean the Augean stables. This kind of filth has been accumulating for four long years, until it stinks in the nostrils of every loyal man. Shall it be cleaned out thoroughly, and the atmosphere of the National Capital be made as loyal and sweet as the air from a new blown rose. .

If there was a grievous fault in Mr. Lincoln's administration it was in the fostering of his enemies, and the discarding of his friends. In fattening rebels, and starving those who had elevated him to power. . . Rebels were fostered and fattened . . until rebellion was made respectable by its numbers and its wealth, the air of this city was filled with it. . . Mr. Lincoln to placate these aristocrats. . has given them place and power, which they have constantly used against him, and his friends. . . He has fallen a victim to mistaken clemency, and to the policy of buying his enemies and to the discarding of his friends, and their advice. . . "He that is not for me is against me" and "no man can serve serve two masters" are aphorisms not only of the scriptures, but equally admitted by all mankind.

In every department of the government in this city and elsewhere more than half are opposed to the principles enunciated by the Baltimore convention which elevated Mr. Lincoln and yourself to power. They not only receive the money of the government, but are in high official position giving tone to public opinion here and elsewhere, and are using their positions