THE VOTE OF CENSURE.

and to repudiate their policy by a vote of censure.

to contemplate. England has become a hissing and a byword among the nations. The public which re- It is a poor plea for any Minismembers the commanding position try to excuse itself by throwing which our country occupied at the the blame of its errors and failures close of the war of giants which upon Parliament. It is the bounden terminated at Waterloo- who re- duty of a ministry to resign if it member the dominating influence cannot carry out the policy which of England when Castlereigh con- it believes to be right. But, in the ducted our foreign policy, and Wel- present case, no excuse of this kind, lington led our armies- - who read poor though it be, could be pleaded in every history, even in that of M. by the Government. It took every Thiers, that it was England which means in its power to prevent its broke the power of the first Na- foreign policy being examined and poleon, and delivered all Europe discussed by Parliament. It defrom bondage — were stupefied to layed in the most unusual manner to find that our Government had sunk lay the record of its negotiations beinto SO humiliating a position. fore the House; and first by one plea, Ten years ago, at the commence- then by another, it staved off disment of the last European war in cussion until with the failure of the which we took part, the influence Conference all was at an end. The of England was so great that, if she papers were furnished in driblets; had spoken her mind in time, there when one batch was printed, another would have been no war. It was was promised; and at last came the the vacillation of a Liberal Ministry, miserable project of the Conference, of which Lords Russell and Pal- not to save Denmark, but to save merston were members, that occa- the Ministry. Even taking the facts sioned the Crimean war, by leading as stated by Mr. Layard, the papers Russia to believe that we should (he ought to have read a portion of not oppose her attack upon the them) were laid on the table of the independence of the Porte. But House at the beginning of March; where is our "just influence' now? and it would take a week before Russia and France disregard our members could have time to master solicitations Austria and Prussia, the contents. Well, what took as well as the minor States of Ger- place then? Lord Ellenborough, , many, despise our bluster, and set who on several occasions had fretted at defiance our threats. England at the Ministerial delays, and who has become isolated, hated, and considered that it was a matter of ridiculed. The fault was not that of the country, but of the Government. The conduct of the Ministry has been alike alien to our traditional policy and at variance with the wishes of the nation. England has been humbled solely by the culpable incapacity of the Ministers; and the right and only possible way of retrieving her position, and placing herself in her just attitude towards Europe, was to disconnect herself from the conduct of the statesmen who misrepresented her,

the utmost importance that Parliament should express its opinion upon the foreign policy of the Government before the Easter recess, gave notice of a motion which would have led to a full discussion of the question; but when the day came Lord Russell made a most earnest appeal to him to abandon his motion, on the ground that any discussion would embarrass the Government and impede the progress of the negotiations for peace.* What could Lord Ellenborough, or any one in

* "I rise, on public grounds, to request the noble Earl not at present to bring on that discussion. I do not expect that anything that falls from him will tend to increase the difficulties which surround the settlement of this question; and, for

submitted to decision, and to give their votes in favour of the Ministry, while fully admitting the accusations laid to their charge.

So conscious was the Ministry of

a like position, do but acquiesce? This was on the 18th of March. When Parliament reassembled after the Easter recess, the Government announced that a Conference was about to meet, and thus discussion the badness of its case that it did was again staved off. The first act not dare to meet the vote of cenof Lord Russell in the Conference sure on the usual issue of Aye or was to propose that the proceed- No. It took refuge under cover ings should be kept secret; and of an amendment, which simply this arrangement, though quite dis- sought to give the go-by to the moregarded by the other Powers, was tion of the Opposition, and which, pleaded by our Government as a whatever other objections there reason for keeping Parliament in were to it, certainly did not pledge the dark as to what was in progress. the House to an approval of the Parliament, indeed, was pretty well Ministerial policy. This was of itself informed as to the transactions of a humiliation for the Ministry. A the Conference through the medi- Ministry which shrinks from meetum of foreign newspapers; but, ing a vote of censure, stands self-conowing to the ruse of our Govern- demned. But if we look at the ment, it was not in a position to amendment, what do we see? Why, take cognisance of them. As a the very adoption of the form of foreign critic observed, the Con- address proposed by Mr. Kinglake ference was simply a "protracted was a censure on the policy of Parliamentary manoeuvre,' "devised the Government. Its terms were, by our Ministry to stave off discussion and keep themselves in office. There is a great power in accomplished facts; and when the mischief was done, and remedy impossible, the Ministry reckoned that Parliament would have less motive for displacing them. From first to last their game was delay; and the game was so far successful, that Parliament was made to appear as to some extent an accomplice in the policy of the Government. The Opposition took the very earliest opportunity of challenging a verdict upon that policy; but the fact that the miserable career of blundering was, or seemed to be, at an end, enabled the ingenious consciences of many members to ignore the true character of the question

"to express the satisfaction with which we have learnt that, at this conjuncture, her Majesty has been advised to abstain from armed interference in the war now going on between Denmark and the German Powers." Now, the Government, so far from having been desirous to remain neutral, had throughout been eager to go to war. This fact is patent on the face of their despatches; it was publicly acknowledged by Lords Russell and Palmerston in their speeches in Parliament on the 27th of June. When announcing the failure of the Conference, and the resumption of hostilities by the German Powers, Lord Russell took pains to show that the Government had done its best to go to war with

my own part, I must say that I should have been very glad to render the fullest explanation of the conduct of the Government in respect to the affairs of Denmark and Germany. There are, however, reasons of public policy which make it desirable that there should be no discussion at the present moment. In the first place, I have now to present, by command of her Majesty, various papers in continuation of those which were presented a few weeks ago. These papers contain the further correspondence which has taken place up to a very recent period. In the next place, there has been a correspondence lately carried on with regard to the holding of a Conference and a proposed armistice, and I have good hopes that the Danish Government will agree to that Conference."-Times, March 19, 1864.

So.

no doubt that they were made in earnest, and that the Cabinet meant to be as good as its word. Even Mr. Gladstone and Mr. Layard in the recent debate admitted that this was the case up to the end of January; and their only defence of the Government is, that after that date, as soon as it became certain that we could not get allies for the war, the policy of menace was discontinued, and all thought of intervention abandoned. Such a defence in reality is an admission of the case against the Government. Yet, as was to be expected, the Chancellor of the Exchequer and the Under-Secretary for Foreign Affairs confessed to only a part of the truth. The policy of menace was continued for several months after France had peremptorily declined to join us in hostilities. And the intention to intervene single

the German Powers, and that if it had failed to do so, it was only because it could not help it. He said the Government had repeatedly solicited France and Russia, and every Power who was likely to help us, to join us in a war against the Germans, but that unfortunately they would not co-operate with us. What, then, could we do? he said. We have no allies-no Power will join with us and we cannot venture single-handed to engage in a war with the whole powers of Germany. Such was the language of the Foreign Minister-such was the exposition he gave of his policy. The Government had tried all along to go to war, and regretted that they had not been able to do Nevertheless, he said, there were certain events not unlikely to arise in the continuance of the contest which, if they occurred, would cause the Government to reconsider handed was not abandoned even the matter: obviously implying that the Government might yet take part in the war, even without allies! Lord Palmerston spoke to the same effect, and in some respects even more strongly, in the House of Commons. And yet, after all this, the Ministry, in order to save themselves, actually supported an address to the Queen, taking credit to themselves for having followed a policy of peace! If this be not humiliation, we know not where to look for it. The Ministry saved themselves from a direct vote of censure only by supporting an amendment which condemned them by implication.

to

Three months ago we pointed out, by quotations from the official despatches, that the desire and intention of the Ministry was engage in the Dano-German contest in the character of belligerents. Unwise as were the threats which Lord Russell directed against the German Powers, and the expectations held out to Denmark - and humiliating as the consequences of these threats and promises have been to this country-there can be

up to the close of the Conference. For months the public mind was disturbed by threats and signs of imminent war. The Channel Fleet was recalled from Portugal; then it was advanced to the Downs; and again it was officially announced to be ready to go anywhere on twenty-four hours' notice. Nay, Lord Russell openly menaced the AustroPrussian fleet with an attack from our powerful squadron. It was not until the debate on the vote of censure commenced that the Ministry began to realise its position. Then at length it made a wonderful gyration-turning its back upon its former self, and supporting an address to the Queen which her Majesty knew well was quite at variance with the past sentiments and conduct of her official advisers.

The conduct of the Ministry in regard to the late abortive Conference was shameless beyond parallel. Seldom has hypocrisy been carried so far, or the selfish interests of a Ministry been more recklessly pursued. Ostensibly the Conference was sought after for the sake of Denmark, to preserve her integrity

and independence-yet no sooner of the movements of the British did the Conference assemble than fleet; and they knew that if once Denmark was sacrificed, and the our iron-clads were in the offing, English Minister himself proposed their terrible flanking fire would her dismemberment ! When the crush every attempt at assault on Conference met, no Power had re- the part of the assailants. Dybbol pudiated the Treaty of 1852; and fell, and the Conference met: and Lord Palmerston stated that Eng- still hope lingered in the breasts of land engaged in the Conference on the Danes. England, they said, has the basis of the treaty, and to uphold now brought our enemies to book; the integrity and independence of the and if they will not make peace on Danish monarchy. Well, it met tolerably fair terms, then at last she but when it ended, the public heard will throw off her neutrality and with amazement that the Treaty of come to our aid. How different was 1852 was wholly abandoned,-that the actual issue-how different the the English Minister himself had sentiments and conduct of our Minproposed the dismemberment of isters, every one knows. They Denmark, and finally, after time sought for a Conference only as a had been given to Prussia to pur- Parliamentary manœuvre, in order chase iron-clad ships of war, hosti- to save themselves. They sought lities were to be resumed, and Den- for an armistice, which told only mark was to be left alone to meet in favour of the Germans-for furannihilation at the hands of her ther prolongations of the Conferassailants! "Denmark is dead!" ence, though at the price of new was the curt remark of one of the sacrifices imposed on Denmark, Plenipotentiaries as the Conference they sought for anything, in short, broke up. Dead she is, and it is which might postpone the crisis, England that has killed her. But and stave off discussion in Parliafor the expectations of aid which ment. Step by step, week by week, were held out to her by Lords Pal- they abandoned one part of the merston and Russell, Denmark Danish cause after another, in order would never have engaged in a war to propitiate the German Powers, with Germany. She would have and obtain a peace which might negotiated. But our precious Min- ruin Denmark but which would istry first led her to take up arms, save themselves. And now, how and then left her to her fate. Not stands the case? Baron Beust, the only at the outset, but at every new arch-champion of Germany against phase of the contest, Denmark hop- Denmark, boasts of the Conference ed for aid from England. In Janu- as a greater triumph than could have ary she was told by the Morning otherwise been obtained. On his rePost' (the special organ of Lord turn to Dresden, on the 8th July, he Palmerston's policy) that an army said, "I am most entirely convinced of 30,000 men, commanded by the that the London Conference, alike Duke of Cambridge, was to go to her in its proceedings and in its terhelp, and maintain the line of the mination, could not possibly have Dannewerke. Her soldiers worked operated in a manner more favourthemselves to death in fortifying able for Germany. I am of opinion that line: but the redcoats never that the position gained there, withcame, and the poor Danes, left un- out any sacrifice, could not have supported in a position which their been equalled even by the most adnumbers were quite inadequate to vantageous arrangement of which defend, had to make a terrible the circumstances permitted." There night-retreat in the depth of winter is no longer any appeal to the Treaty to save themselves from being sur- of London: Lord Russell himself rounded. Again, at Dybbol and has abandoned it. There is no longAlsen, they heard with eager ears er any question of maintaining the