products of the United States into the Dominion of Canada free of import duty, and the like concession by the United States to the manufactures and products of the Dominion. "2. Uniform laws to be passed by both countries for the imposition of duties on imports, and for internal taxation; the sums collected from these sources to be placed in a common treasury, and to be divided between the two governments by a per capita or some other equally fair ratio. "3. The admission of Dominion built ships and vessels to American registry, enrolment and license, and to all privileges of the coasting and foreign trade. "4. The Dominion to enlarge its canals and improve the navigation of the St. Lawrence, and to aid in the building of any great lines of international railroad, and to place the citizens of the United States in the same position as to the use of such works, as enjoyed by the citizens of the Dominion ; the United States and the several States giving the citizens of the Dominion the same rights and privileges over works of the same character in the United States." At a previous conference, in Boston, these propositions had been verbally submitted by the Council to the Dominion delegates, and were reported at St. Louis, "for the information of the Board." But the idea they embody did not originate there. Of that we trace the paternity to Mr. Larned, whom Congress, by a joint resolution, appointed in June, 1870, "to enquire into the extent and state of the trade between the United States and the several dependencies of Great Britain in North America." Mr. Larned presents a Zollverein as the alternative of annexation; and professes to regard it as equivalent to Canadian Independence. what sense a nation could be said to preserve its independence, while surrendering its freedom and convictions to an antagonistic commercial policy, we cannot understand. He admits and defends the unwillingness of the United States to make liberal commercial arrangements with this country so long as the tie to England remains unsevered; and he bids us choose between that alliance and a "commercial and industrial association in interest with the United States." In Mr. Larned's utterances have in some sort an official character; since he is acting under authority of Congress, and his report was prepared for the information of the Secretary of the Treasury. The executive committee of the National Board take up the threads of the Zollverein proposal where Mr. Larned laid them down. When they have woven them into the texture of formal resolutions, Mr. Fraley, President of the National Board of Trade, expresses the hope that the resulting discussion will lead ultimately to the political union of the two countries. There was much reason to believe that the object of the resolutions was more political than commercial. From the first, Mr. Young, as we have stated, was in favour of the proposed Zollverein; and if it be true that it was brought forward in consequence of the countenance given to it by him, the executive committee of the National Board of Trade can at least plead that they had some warrant for what they did. But as only one other of the Canadian delegates showed the least leaning towards it, they must have become convinced that Mr. Young did not, in this matter, truly represent the national sentiment of the Dominion. It is true the resolutions were at last unanimously adopted, but not without the accompaniment of qualifying expressions which rendered them harmless. The executive committee was directed to memorialize Congress "to provide by law for the appointment of a Commission to meet commissioners from the Dominion of Canada (should the Government of the Dominion appoint a like Commission,) to negotiate a basis of a treaty between Great Britain and the United States, for commercial relations between the Dominion of Canada, on the principles of the proposed Zollverein or some other broad and comprehensive principles." The latitude given by these words practically authorizes the conclusion of a treaty on comprehensive principles, without any restriction to a scheme of Customs union. It has been stated that Mr. Fraley was not brought to assent to this modification without some difficulty. After the adoption of the modified proposition, Mr. Young contented himself with thanking the National Board for what it had done, and expressing an opinion that its action would prove entirely satisfactory. He could not speak for the delegation over which he presided, in favour of a Zollverein; for that would have been to misrepresent their views. But if nothing had been added to his statement, it might have been assumed that such sanction had been given. In this emergency, Mr. Wm. Howland felt it his duty to put the matter in a light which would prevent any misapprehension. And here we cannot do better than quote from the Montreal Gazette, the statements made by the observing editor whose presence at the convention enabled him the better to appreciate the situation :— "Mr. Howland is a representative man of a party of young men who are growing up in this country, particularly in Ontario, with patriotic impulses, with an earnest love of Canada, their home, and with a watchword, Canada for the Canadians,' or as one of them more aptly expressed it in a lecture recently delivered, Canada first,' which is certain to have its influence upon the public mind. Some of them are tinged with independence notions; but the great majority of them are wise enough to see that neither the people nor the country are ready for any such movement. But they all recognize the importance of a national-a Canadian feeling, in the Dominion, and are working zealously for its cultivation. It is from such men as these, men from whom some Americans are so unfortunate as to expect comfort and assistance in the work of maturing the political union of the North American Continent, that the sentiments uttered by Mr. Howland come with especial force. You Americans are proud of your 'name, and would not lightly change it or sink it ' in another,' said Mr. Howland; 'give us Ca'nadians credit for equal pride, and for an equal de 'sire to maintain our distinctive name and our inde'pendent nationality."" This short reply, courteous and going directly to the point, contains the gist of the whole matter; and is a fair expression of the national sentiment of Canada. The average American thinks himself and his nation politically blessed beyond other men and other nations; and he is very apt to think he compliments you when he asks you to haul down your flag and take shelter under his. On this ground, we acquit the National Board of Trade of all intention to give offence; and we only ask that they will not forget the admonition of Mr. Howland on the occasion of any future meeting. After this explanation, we might almost abstain from any discussion of the four points of the proposed international charter. The proposal of point number one is nothing less than that Canada shall form a customs union with the United States and against all the rest of the world. It is easy to see that this common tariff would have to be framed on a scale that would be adapted to the necessities of the United States. Mr. Larned states the average existing tariff of the United States to be forty per cent., and that of Canada twenty-three or twentyfour; but he is candid enough not to be positive that the divergence is not greater, as we believe it could be shown to be. But if we take the figures, as he gives them, without questioning their correctness, it is plain that one or both countries must, in case of a Zollverein, accept a very different tariff. And there need be no doubt as to where the principal change would be. The United States are obliged to submit to a tariff that would be intolerable to us; and there are powerful manufacturing rings, omnipotent with the lobby, who, apart from the fiscal necessities, will that this should be so. The imposition of the United States tariff upon Canada as against all other nations-for that is what it would come to practically-would create an artificial state of things wholly opposed to our interests and convictions. Practically shut out from all other markets than the United States, for a large number of things which we now obtain elsewhere, we should find ourselves often obliged to buy inferior articles, at nearly double the prices they are fairly worth, in the markets of the world. This would inflict a great loss on our po- | pulation, and one for which they would obtain no sort of equivalent. The treaty or compact establishing a Zollverein would necessarily have some definite limit, in point of time, or be liable to be terminated by notice after a stated number of years. In the meantime, Canada would have accommodated itself to the artificial state of things that would have been brought about; and she would lie helpless at the mercy of the more powerful contracting party in no position to make such terms as her interests would dictate. But why should Canada agree to a tariff so unjustly discriminating? Why should we specially direct such discrimination against a country to which, ties of affection apart, we owe far more than to any other? If Canada, in the fulness of time, should accept a complete independence, we feel sure it will not find a declaration in a hostile tariff. We are obliged to touch on this question, because this is what the Zollverein proposal asks us to do. There may be individuals, like Mr. Young, ready to accept these conditions at all hazards; but they count as nothing in the general run of national feelings and national opinion. This is admitted, in the report of the executive council of the Dominion Board of Trade, submitted to the Board at Ottawa, on January 17, in which they, referring to the resolutions passed at St. Louis, say: "your delegates, however desirous of seeing the old Reciprocity Treaty in force, were not willing to admit the possibility of carrying out a free trade policy between the United States and the Dominion, in manufactures, under the present high tariff of the former." Whatever there is of commercial belligerency, as Mr. Larned expresses it, between the countries, owes its origin to political feeling; and the belligerency is all on one side. Congress charges our wheat twenty cents, our barley fifteen cents, and our oats ten cents a bushel duty. We admit these articles free. One Session, a nominal duty was put on the small grains and coal of the United States-not discriminatingly-by our Ottawa legislators; but so strong was the feeling of the country against the impolicy of the Act, that the House of Commons insisted on its removal, at the very moment when the Joint High Commissioners were engaged in negotiating the Treaty of Washington. Congress is far from being opposed to the general principle of admitting raw products free of duty. At this moment, the free list of the American tariff embraces over two hundred and thirty articles. From this list, the raw products of Canada are, with one or two exceptions, rigidly excluded. Such legislation is liable to the suspicion of being studiously discriminating against a particular country. But the weight of the restriction falls as much on their own people as on ours. "We exchange with them," (Canadians) says Mr. Larned, "almost equal quantities of the cereals, and almost equal quantities, on an average, of flour. Except so far as concerns the barley that we buy from them, and the Indian corn that we sell to them, this trade originates on neither side in any necessity, but is chiefly a matter of simple convenience, of economy in carriage, or of diversification in the qualities of grain. Similarly, and for the like reason, we exchange with them almost equal quantities of coal." Such being the state of this trade, it is a wonder that it does not occur to Congress that the United States carries on the trade at a great disadvantage; that American citizens enter on the race with the unequal weight of burthensome duties. The remedy is a very simple one: it is to be found in the example of Canada, which makes this trade free, on her side. The extent to which the discrimination of the American tariff is carried own policy: one to which we have adhered for twenty years, and from which we now have no reason to depart. We levy duties for revenue, and for no other purpose; while the high and sometimes prohibitive tariff of the United States has not alone that object in view. Canada desires to establish a closer com in favour of raw produce, when it is not such as Canada produces, may be illustrated by a single article, though it is one which has undergone a certain process of manufacture, but which occasionally enters into other manufactures. Carbolic acid, when used for chemical and manufacturing purposes, is admitted free of duty; when it is used as a medicine to combat disease, it is sub-mercial connection with the United States; ject to a duty of ten per cent.; and when it but desirable as is that object, she cannot is used as a disinfectant to stay the approach pursue it at the expense of all other of disease, it pays a duty of twenty per countries. A demand for a commercial cent. This is the sliding scale of discrimin- and financial connection, in the shape of a ation in favour of manufactures, and against Zollverein, involves more than can be surone of the best guarantees of human exist- rendered to any prospect of trading advanence. We are not enquiring whether it be tages. In spite of appearances which seem more important that a nation should man- to negative any immediate hope of putting ufacture certain articles than preserve the the commerce of the two countries on a lives of its people from the ravages of dis- better footing, there are no sufficient reasons ease, but whether Congress does not contra- for despairing that the time is not far disvene its own general policy in the heavy du- tant when something may be done in this ties it levies on the raw products of Canada. direction. Since the Treaty of Washington We find in that general policy a sufficient was concluded, evidences of a better feeling answer to the assumption that Canada have been apparent. The recent Conferought to admit American manufactures duty ence at St. Louis contrasted, in this respect, free, on condition that Congress will restore favourably with the Detroit Convention, held our raw products to the free list, on which during the American civil war. When it they found a place during the existence of comes to be thoroughly understood, by the Reciprocity Treaty. In making this all parties in the Republic, that politics. proposal, Americans ask us to do precisely and commerce must be kept entirely disthe contrary of what they do themselves. tinct, there will be a better prospect of imThat alone would not be any sufficient rea- proved commercial relations than at present son against compliance; but amid all their exists. Against the proposed International economical errors, the practice of the United Commission there is nothing to be said: it States is, on this point, and where Canada may result in good, and can do no possible is not interested, mainly correct. It is our harm. ONE WOMAN'S VALENTINE. I BY L. M. WOULD not have you love me, because you think me fair— A fairer maid some day you'll meet, and then how could I bear Say not you love, because I'm good, or I must dread your changing, And love me not because I'm wise, or witty, grave, or gay, Or for any other gift or grace that is not me, though mine; But love me for myself, spite of faults and contradictions, And let your heart, not fancy, a cause for loving find. Never call my face the fairest, only let it be the dearest, Never praise me more than others, but love me best of all; Say, "I know she is no goddess, and no angel, but a woman, "She is nothing more than mortal, but still she's all my own, The proudest name on earth could not steal her heart from me, "One day she stole within and softly took possession, Every fibre folded round her, and held her close and fast, Give me love like this, my lover, and then it will not alter, Through clouds, and winds, and waves, its constant light will shine, And I need not fear that heart will ever fail or falter, Which its own strong truth makes steadfast, more than any worth of mine. Love may vary every day, if it seeks a better reason For lasting than the faith noble hearts keep true and pure, But the majesty of love guards from any stain of treason Him who in the words I love," gives a pledge that must endure ! |