to the Continent, most seriously affected commercial business in the United States, as well as in England.

Let us hope, my dear Duke, that between two Christian nations speaking the same language, having the same origin, enjoying the same literature, and connected by these mutual ties of interest, nothing may ever exist but peace and harmony, and the noble rivalship of accomplishing most for the general improvement and happiness of mankind.

Allow me to close this letter with an invitation, which, if given some years ago, would have passed for mere compliment; and that is, that you will come and see us. You are fond of excursions by sea. Eighteen or twenty days will take you from Belvoir Castle to the Falls of Niagara, and you may see much of America this side of the Alleghanies, and something of what is beyond, and return to England in a period hardly longer than an ordinary recess of Parliament. Nature has done much in America which is worthy to attract your notice. Man, I hope, has done something; and at any rate, you and your connections and friends would be sure of receiving that respectful and hearty welcome to which your character and your hospitality to others so well entitle you.

I have the honor to be, my dear Duke, very faithfully yours, DANIEL WEBSTER.

To M. St. Clair Clarke, Wm. S. Murphy, and Hudson M. Garland. Department of State, March 27, 1841.

GENTLEMEN,- It is the desire of the President to be fully acquainted with the state of progress in which the public works now are, and with the degree of skill, fidelity, and economy with which these works are carried on. For this purpose he has appointed you a commission of examination and inquiry, and he wishes you to direct your attention to the fol lowing points:

1st. What is the number of persons employed on the public buildings now in progress in the city, exclusive of laborers? This is the more necessary, as many of those persons hold offices not created by specific provisions of law.

2d. What is the respective duty of each of these persons? 3d. What prices are paid to them for their services, and whether in any case the compensation is unreasonably large.

4th. Whether there has been, or is, any just ground of complaint against those persons, or any of them, either in regard to their own diligence and skill, or in regard to their treatment of laborers employed by them.

If you have any reason to suppose that any one has been guilty of misconduct, you will state the charge to him, and give him an opportunity to answer it; and will report no evidence of which the party shall not have had notice. You will inquire into no man's political opinions or preferences; but if it be alleged that any person, having the power of employing and dismissing laborers, has used that power either in employing or dismissing with any reference to the political opinions of those who may have been employed or dismissed, or for any political or party object whatever, or in any other way violated his duty for party or electioneering purposes, you will inquire into the truth of such suggestion; and if you find reason to think it well founded, in any case, you will state the particular facts or circumstances on which your opinion is founded. It is not intended that this commission shall be of long continuance, nor be attended with any considerable expense. You will use as much despatch, therefore, as the nature of the case will allow, and make report to this department.

A reasonable sum will be allowed you for your time and service, out of the appropriated fund.

By the President's order.

DANIEL WEBSTER, Secretary of State.

To Messrs. John Haven and others.

Washington, January 3, 1844. GENTLEMEN,I have received your letter requesting permission to present my name to the people as a candidate for the office of President of the United States, subject to the future wise, deliberate action of the Whig National Convention of 1844.

It would be disingenuous to withhold an expression of the

544 TO HIS POLITICAL FRIENDS IN NEW HAMPSHIRE.

grateful feelings awakened by a letter, containing such a request, so very numerously signed, and coming from among those who have known me through life. No one can be insensible to the distinction of being regarded by any respectable number of his fellow-citizens as among those from whom a choice of President might be made with honor and safety to the country. The office of President is an office, the importance of which cannot be too highly estimated. He who fills it necessarily exercises a great influence, not only on all the domestic interests of the country, on its foreign relations, and the support of its honor and character among the nations of the earth, but on that which is of the very highest import to the happiness of the people, the maintenance of the Constitution itself, and the prosperous continuance of the government under it.

Our systems are peculiar; and while capable, as experience has shown, of producing the most favorable results, under a wise and cautious administration, they are, nevertheless, exposed to peculiar dangers.

We have six-and-twenty States, each possessing within itself powers of government, limited only by the Constitution of the United States; and we have a general government, to which are confided high trusts, to be exercised for the benefit of the people of all the States. It is obvious that this division of powers, itself the result of a novel and most delicate political operation, can be preserved only by the exercise of wisdom and pure patriotism. The Constitution of the United States stands on the basis of the people's choice. It must remain on that basis so long as it remains at all. The veneration and love which are entertained for it will be increased by every instance of wise, prudent, impartial, and parental administration.

On the other hand, they will be diminished by every administration which shall cherish local divisions, devote itself to local interests, seek to bend the influence of the government to personal or partisan purposes, or which shall forget that all patriotism is false and spurious which does not look with equal eye to the interests of the whole country, and all its parts, present and to come. I hardly know what an American statesman should so much deprecate, on his own account, as well as on account of his country, as that the Constitution of the United States,

now the glory of our country and the admiration of the world, should become weakened in its foundations, perverted in its principles, or fallen and sunk in a nation's regard and a nation's hopes, by his own follies, errors, or mistakes. The Constitution was made for the good of the country; this the people know. Its faithful administration promotes that good; this the people know. The people will themselves defend it against all foreign powers, and all open force, and they will rightfully hold to a just and solemn account those to whom they may commit it, and in whose hands it shall be found to be shorn of a single beam of its honor, or deprived of a particle of its capacity for usefulness. It was made for an honest people, and they expect it to be honestly administered. At the present moment, it is an object of general respect, confidence, and affection. Questions have arisen, however, and are likely to arise again, upon the extent of its powers, or upon the line which separates the functions of the general government from those of the State governments; and these questions will require, whenever they may occur, not only firmness, but much discretion, prudence, and impartiality, at the hand of the national executive. Extreme counsels or extreme opinions on either side would be very likely, if followed or adopted, to break up the well-adjusted balance of the whole. And he who has the greatest confidence in his own judgment, or the strongest reliance on his own good fortune, may yet be well diffident of his ability to discharge the duties of his trust in such a manner as shall prevent the public prosperity, or advance his own repu tation.

But, Gentlemen, while the office of President is quite too high to be sought by personal solicitation, or for private ends and objects, it is not to be declined, if proffered by the voluntary desire of a free people.

My

It is now more than thirty years since you and your fellowcitizens of New Hampshire assigned me a part in political affairs. My public conduct since that period is known. opinions on the great questions now most interesting to the country are well known. The constitutional principles which I have endeavored to maintain are also known. If these principles and these opinions, now not likely to be materially changed, should recommend me to further marks of public re

gard and confidence, I should not withhold myself from compliance with the general will.

But I have no pretensions of my own to bring forward, and trust that no friends of mine would, at any time, use my name for the purpose of preventing harmony among those whose general political opinions concur, or for any cause whatever but a conscientious regard to the good of the country. It is obvious, Gentlemen, that, at the present moment, the tendency of opinion among those to be represented in the convention is generally and strongly set in another direction. I think it my duty, therefore, under existing circumstances, to request those who may feel a preference for me not to indulge in that preference, nor oppose any obstacle to the leading wishes of political friends, or to united and cordial efforts for the accomplishment of those wishes.

The election of the next autumn must involve, in general, the same principles, and the same questions, that belonged to that of 1840. The cause I conceive to be the true cause of the country, its permanent prosperity, and all its great interests; the cause of its peace and honor; the cause of good government, true liberty, and the preservation and integrity of the Constitution; and none should despair of its success.

I am, Gentlemen, with sentiments of sincere regard, your obliged and obedient servant,

DANIEL WEBSTER.

To the Hon. Thomas H. Perkins and others, Citizens of Boston. Washington, April 9, 1850.

GENTLEMEN,- It would be in vain that I should attempt to express the gratification which I have derived from your letter of the 25th ultimo. That gratification arises not only from its manifestation of personal regard and confidence, but especially from the evidence which it affords that my public conduct, in regard to important pending questions, is not altogether disapproved by the people of Massachusetts. Such a letter, with such names, assures me that I have not erred in judging of the causes of existing discontents, or their proper remedy, and encourages me to persevere in that course which my deepest con