In America the same problem of cordant popula tions occurs. In the particulars now under consideration, the state of affairs in Rome offers a striking parallel to dealing with dis- the state of affairs in America. As in Rome, so here, there is an irresistible progress of geographical expansion, a necessary absorption of many different people. We see how the Romans solved this political problem by a resort to Imperialism; and, perhaps, considering the great ability of the statesmen of those times, we may concede that such was the only proper solution in their case. The concession of people inevitable. Treatment by the Turkish government of its foreign populations. It has been stated that the principles which have been in operation during the war will continue civil rights to all their action, and that the absorption of discordant populations will inevitably occur. If we have not been able to avoid the concession of civil rights to the negro in the Atlantic region-a more extreme case than Rome ever had to deal with-we may be certain that we shall have to concede them to the Asiatics and Mexicans in the Pacific region. While we are thus demanding from history examples for our guidance, and find one so significant offered to us by Rome, not without interest may we recall the progress and consider the present position of Turkey. The Turks have rejected the policy of absorption; they present a pure instance of the policy of exclusion; their political decline and present weakness illustrate the political wisdom of the founders of Roman dominion, who took the opposite course. Their history is a monition to us. They had the same contempt for the European that the white American has for the Mongol or the African. Let us, however, not fall into the arrogance of these Mohammedans, or into the superciliousness of the Chinese, who look upon other people with disdain. Let us frankly recognize the fact that among Asiatics there are men experienced in the management of great affairs, and in intellectual power equal to any of us. Let us remember that to the people of that continent the world owes all its religious ideas, and modern society much of its physical well-being. We have adopted the principle that in political systems it is the same as in mechanics-the broader the base and the lower the centre of gravity, the greater the stability. The policy of absorbing diverse peoples, whether their diversities originate in other lands, or are engendered by cli mate-influences on this continent-still more, the policy of giving to all a voice in the government, brings us face to face with the same problem that the Romans encountered in the days when it was feared that the true Roman would be obliterated by the alien-the same problem that the Turks encountered in dealing with the victims of their conquests. Twice did Rome solve the problem-on both occasions with consummate ability. First, as we have of the problem by just seen, she solved it by resorting to Imperialism; and when, after a time, that failed, by Ecclesiasticism. Twice has she ruled Europe-once by her emperors, and once by her popes. A second solution Rome. The study of the pontifical government-I speak of it not in its religious, but in its political aspect-is full of interest to the American statesman, rich in examples for his guidance. Incompatibility of the American sys The two solutions of this problem offered to us in the history of Rome-Imperialism and Ecclesias those solutions with ticism-are inadmissible here, the American system rejecting both. Another solution, in accordance with its fundamental principles, will have to be found. tem. lution will be by and a free career to Even to one who considers superficially the habits and In America the so- tendencies of society in the Republic, it may universal education, be plain that preparation has long been in progress for a third solution of the problem in accordance with American principles. This consists in the enforcement of universal education, and the opening talent. of an unfettered career to talent. We may safely admit unlimited territorial extension, and the unrestricted absorption of populations, no matter of what origin or type they may be, if we shape our institutions so as to make it sure that political influence and the guidance of affairs shall be in the hands of established ability. No one who has devoted attention to the relative capacity of races of men would ever hesitate to commit the pure American to such a competition. The education of every child, irrespective of nationality or color, by a general public school system-a career fairly open to each, that he may attain a position according to the talent that God has given him, neither possible in Rome, are both possible in America. It will be understood that, in the remarks I am now making, I am not considering what ought to be, but endeavoring to ascertain, from the course of past events, what the future is about to be, taking for granted that the principles which have regulated American life thus far will not suddenly lose their efficacy, but will continue in operation. Necessity of an or- To open the career for capacity or talent, irrespective of the condition of life, implies, in reality, the ganization of the organization of the intelligence of the nation. Already we see that, perhaps without a very far-reaching conception either of the plan or of its consequences, preparatory measures of the kind have been contemplated in Congress. Schemes of competitive examination for the civil service have been proposed, partly to put an end to the disgraceful place-hunting that marks the accession of every new president, and fills the public offices with discreditable incompetence and ignorance, and partly to gain for that service the skill arising from experience in the special pursuit, whatever it may be. Not only in America, but in Europe, do we perceive a tendency to the adop tion of this course. In England the system of competitive examination has made a much more marked advance than in the United States. Example offered by China, But it is to China that we must look if we desire to see, on the grand political scale, the organization of National Intellect carried into practical ef fect in the public administration of a vast empire. Four hundred millions of people-one third of the human race -have there, through many centuries, been carrying these ideas into effect. In a remote antiquity they based their system on the two principles we are here considering-universal education, and a free career for ascertained abil ity. The special mode by which they gave to these principles a practical working has been by competitive examination, which seems to have answered their purposes singularly well. Whether it would prove as suitable in America, or whether some other mode might be more advantageously resorted to, I will not here inquire. Many methods of reaching the effect might be suggested. With and of papal extraordinary ability, ecclesiastical Rome solved Rome. the problem by her monastic institutions. It was often remarked that the way to preferment and to offices of the highest state influence-nay, even that the high road to the papacy itself lay through the monastery porch. of the Republic. From these considerations of the modes by which the The physical energy guidance of the policy of the Republic may be delivered over to its intelligence, we may pass to reflections on the modes by which it may carry out its resolves. The energy with which the force of a nation may be brought into play, and therefore the manifest Conditions on depends. which its exertion ation of its physical power, turns altogether on the rapidity with which information can be conveyed, resolves transmitted, and material transported. The greater the speed with which this can be done, the more compact or concentrated the nation. From this point of view, the United States are far more compact at the present time, when they extend over the continent, than they were at the epoch of the Revolution, when they spread over only a few hundred miles along the Atlantic coast. The telegraph and the locomotive have accomplished this result. The parallel case in Rome. I have already (vol. i., p. 302) referred to the change which has taken place in the rapidity of locomotion, and the effect it has had on the history of nations. This effect was never more thoroughly appreciated than by the Romans, whose empire, at its maximum development, was, in reality, a fringe round the Mediterranean. That sea offered an ever-open pathway in all directions to them. Rome was thus geographically the centre of the empire, with easy water-transportation to all the provinces. As regards internal communications, the first thing the legions did, when they found themselves in a new country, was to construct substantial roads and solid bridges to insure a rapid communication with Rome. No pains were spared to keep these avenues in thorough repair. It may be of interest to us to compare the rate of travel now with what it was in those days. Historians who have paid attention to the subject tell us that the av erage rate of sailing before the wind was seven miles an hour. It took two days to go from the mouth of the Tiber to the African coast, seven days to the Straits of Gibraltar. Cæsar's customary rate of land travel was 100 miles in 24 hours, but Tiberius actually made 200 in one day, when hastening to Drusus in Germany. Cicero says that 56 miles made a good day's journey; the ordinary rate was about 30. It was the roads all pointing toward Rome, and, above all, the Mediterranean, which gave unity and strength to the empire. "Ever and anon the subject nations lifted up their heads from the dust, and beheld with amazement, and even with indignation, by how mere a |