CHAPTER I.

DISREGARD OF NATIONALITY.

THE CAPITOL AT WASHINGTON - THE OLD HALLS OF LEGISLATION. THE SENATE OF WORTHIES-DEDICATION OF THE NEW HOUSE - MAIDEN SPEECH THEREIN THE USE OF AN OPPOSITION PARTY THE PROXIMATE CAUSES OF THE CIVIL CONFLICT- ANCIENT ROMAN POLICY-EXCESSES NORTH AND SOUTH-FUTILE EFFORTS FOR ADJUSTMENT

THE THEORY OF SECESSION CONSEQUENCES OF SECESSION - THE WISDOM OF CIVISM.

T

HE Capitol of the United States is not only superb as an edifice, but, next to St. Peter's in Rome, the most elaborate and elegant structure in the world. Between it and the palace of the Spanish Cortez, the Palace d'Elysée of the Corps Legislatif, in Paris, the German Reichstag-gebäude, and other edifices in Europe dedicated to parliamentary meetings, no comparison can be made. As between it and the Westminster Palace, where the English Parliament sits, there are few points of comparison. Their different orders of architecture furnish simply points of contrast. Westminster Palace is Gothic-Tudor. The United States Capitol is Greek of the Corinthian order. The former is built of brown limestone, the latter of pure white marble. A great feature of the Palace is its tower clock. The Capitol has a lofty iron dome. One registers the time of passing dynasties; the other is typical of the enduring majesty of the people. The Palace stands on the bank of the Thames-flat and subject to overflow. The Capitol has an Acropolis for its situation. It has not the height nor the surroundings of that rocky eminence which gave to Athens its crowning glory; but it is so set upon a hill that, with its dome capped by the Goddess of Liberty, it makes a grand beacon of attraction for all the country round.

It is an event in any one's life to enter this Capitol and examine its excellencies of decoration. It excites one's interest to enter the old Senate, and House chambers. The former is now used by the Supreme Court, and the latter is a statuary-gallery where the civic and martial heroes of the states are apotheosized. It is more exciting, however, to enter the legislative halls when the representatives of states and people are in convocation and debate.

Notwithstanding a quarter of a century has passed since the writer first entered the Capitol to take a part in the making of laws, the fascination and exaltation in sympathy with the young member never fails to be aroused again, when he looks down from the gallery upon the representatives of so many diverse interests and so many millions of people.

It was the fortune of the author to be a member when the lower House of Congress sat in the old hall. The associations of a thousand debates gave voice to its arches and pillars. Every stone and tablet echoed the elder and, as it was said, the better day of oratory and patriotism. In 1864 each state of the Union was invited by Congress to erect in this hall the statues of two of its most illustrious civic or martial heroes. Rhode Island was the first to respond to the invitation. She sent, in 1871, two life-size marble statues; one of Major-Gen. Nathaniel Greene, in the Continental uniform, the other of Roger Williams. The latter is the artist's ideal of her civic hero, and not an effigy of the man. Connecticut followed, in 1872, with heroic statues, in marble, of Jonathan Trumbull, the original "Brother Jonathan," and Roger Sherman. New-York gave, in 1873, life-size statues, in bronze, of Gen. George Clinton, a Democrat par excellence, and Robert R. Livingston, in his chancellor's robes. In 1876, Massachusetts gave semi-heroic statues, in marble, of John Winthrop, her first governor, and Samuel Adams. Winthrop is represented as landing with the charter of 1630, and Adams as making his famous protest. Vermont gave, the same year, a marble heroic statue of Ethan Allen, in the Continental uniform, representing that fiery soldier when demanding the surrender of Ticonderoga "in the name of the Great Jehovah and the Continental Congress." Her civic effigy, contributed in 1880, represents—in marble, semi-heroic — Jacob Collamer as addressing the Senate on Constitutional law. Maine set up, the same year, a semi-heroic statue, in marble, of her first governor, William King. The other states will soon fill the vacant niches; and here, while this Union shall endure, will stand the mute but eloquent Senate of American Worthies. Passing through this shrine to the present halls of legislation, what Senator or Representative can fail to breathe in some inspiration of the devotion to Liberty and Justice that is here commemorated!

This historic hall, whose vaulted roof still whispers the eloquence of the past, has long been silent to the lofty flights of forensic discussion and debate for which the days of Clay, and Webster, and Calhoun were famous. It was abandoned twenty-eight years ago by the House of Representatives for the more commodious chamber now occupied by that body.—The 16th of December, 1857, is memorable in the annals of Congress. Looking back to that day, the writer can see the members of the House of Representatives take up the line of march out of the old shadowy and murmurous chamber, into the new hall with its ornate and gilded interior. The scene is intense in a rare dramatic quality. Above shine in vari-colored

USE OF AN OPPOSITION PARTY.

27

light, the escutcheons of thirty states; around sit the members upon richlycarved oaken chairs. Already arrayed upon either side are the sections in mutual animosity. The Republicans take the left of the Speaker, the Democrats the right. James L. Orr, of South Carolina, a full roseate-faced gentleman of large build and ringing metallic voice, is in the chair. James C. Allen, of Illinois, sits below him in the clerk's seat. The Rev. Mr. Carothers offers an appropriate and inspiring prayer. He asks the Divine favor upon those in authority; and then, with trembling tones, he implores that the hall just dedicated as the place wherein the political and constitutional rights of our countrymen shall ever be maintained and defended, may be a temple of honor and glory to this land.-"May the deliberations therein make our nation the praise of the whole earth, for Christ's sake." A solemn hush succeeds this invocation. The routine of journal reading; a reference of the Agricultural College bill, upon the request of the then member, now Senator, from Vermont, Justin S. Morrill; and the presentation of a communication regarding the chaplaincy from the clergy of Washington, are followed by the drawing of seats for the members, who retire to the open space in the hall. A page with bandaged eyes makes the award, and one by one the members are seated. Then, by the courtesy of the chairman of the Printing Committee, Mr. Smith, of Tennessee, a young member from Ohio is allowed to take the floor. He addresses the Speaker with timidity and modesty, amid many interruptions by Humphrey Marshall, of Kentucky, Mr. Bocock, of Virginia, Judge Hughes, of Indiana, George W. Jones, of Tennessee, and General Quitman, of Mississippi, each of whom bristles with points of order against the points of the orator. But that young member is soon observed by a quiet House. Many listen to him— perhaps to judge of the acoustic property of the hall, some because of the nature of the debate; and then, after a few minutes, all become excited! Again and again the shrill and high tones of Mr. Speaker Orr are heard above the uproar. He exclaims: "This is a motion to print extra copies of the President's message. Debate on the subject of the message is, therefore, in order-upon which the gentleman from Ohio has the floor!" That gentleman is now the writer. His theme was the Lecompton Constitution. As the questions discussed involved the great issues leading to war or peace, his interest in the mise en scène became less; but his maiden speech. maiden speech in the new chamber- began under influences anything but composing.

the

This preliminary etching of the Capitol is intended only to limn the circumstances as they affected the young and ambitious legislator; or, as a prologue to the stirring scenes which greeted his first appearance in the rôle of orator under such grave conditions.

The times were then sadly out of joint. pation of the consequences of sectionalism.

The author had a keen anticiHis first debate intensified this

anticipation. He had warned and worked, from his first entrance into public life, against the passionate zealotry of both sections. He denounced as equally perilous the policy and theory of secession, and the provocations. and conduct of the other extreme. He voted to avert the impending struggle by every measure of adjustment. He was secretary of the Border states convention of congressmen which sought to avoid trouble and reconcile the sections. Along with such men as Stephen A. Douglas, Thomas Corwin, Charles Francis Adams, John J. Crittenden, and the giants of those days, he was content to be an humble advocate of every proposition tending to allay the excitement growing out of the fugitive slave law, the extension of slavery into the territories, and kindred questions. When the war came, he aided the Administration by his votes for money and men to maintain the Federal authority.

The author believed then, as he believes now, that in all representative governments a constitutional opposition is one of the safeguards of liberty; and that it is a legislator's duty to challenge freely the conduct of the Administration in regard to the use of the means committed to it by the people. Because the time of war is the time of danger, it does not follow that criticism by the opposition at such a period may not be consistent with patriotism. England was saved from disgrace in the Crimean war by a defiant opposition, which was led by the London Times. A government may be magnified by opposing the weakness of its administration. It may be saved and strengthened by a vigorous criticism upon an imbecile party or corrupt policy; otherwise the very function of government might be palsied by the incapacity or corruption of the functionary. And should we be less heedful how we undignify the office by an undue contempt of the officer, than how we unduly dignify the officer at the expense of the office? It is a wise saying that "the best men are not always the best in regard to society."

war.

In all free countries an opposition is an element of the government. It is as indispensable to the safety of the realm as a free press or a free pulpit. To dispense with it is to endanger, if not to dispense with, liberty. The valiant arm of the soldier owes much of its strength to those who, regardless of the frowns of power or the allurements of patronage, maintain a steadfast front against the corruption, insolence, and tyranny which are always incident to A distinguished Southern statesman, James Guthrie, of Kentucky, said to the writer in 1865: "The Revolution has left deep scars on the Constitution of the United States, and of the states. But as they were made on the road to restoration and peace, we begin the race of progress with renewed confidence in freedom and justice." The apology for many a political and social scar must be left to the evils and necessities of the time when the cicatrice was formed. But can this justify a representative of the people in remaining an indifferent spectator while the wounds are being inflicted? When war can be justified, does the freebooter or guerrilla escape demerit