ing generations and charges you to be careful, be careful how you enlarge your universities; you had better shut up your academies, your schoolhouses; if you do not take care you will have nobody to black your boots!

Well, this is a serious matter; it commends itself to you gentlemen who have your names fairly writ on the conservative list; you must take heed to it. As for myself, I am washed out of that fraternity. Ever since I have taken any part in political affairs, I have been so firmly and so fully wedded to the idea that it was the work of the law, as of the gospel, to bring all men up to their utmost capacity, that I am bound to prosecute that labor myself. I must go along in that path. I am hopelessly committed to it. I must follow it out, even if my boots go unblacked.

I do not hold that the men who made this war and fought in it against the Government of the United States are any worse than the men who in our own communities at home have kept out of both our armies and theirs, but who have given all their prayers and all their encouragement and all their sympathies to the men who have been fighting against us. Their purpose

was the same. One was just as disloyal to the Government of the nation as the other. One was a little bolder than the other; that is the only difference.

I put it to you, which of all those miscreants who went out to capture Jesus do you think was really the most criminal? Were they who went out with swords and staves in their hands, avowing their purpose and clamoring for the life of the Saviour, or was it that sneaking fellow who went out in the garb of a friend and undertook to betray the Saviour of the world with a kiss? I say it was not the servants of the high priest, but it was Judas himself. And among all those men who have sought to betray the authority of the nation, I say those are the guiltiest who have not avowed their purpose, but have gone as directly and as persistently toward it under the cover of false pretensions of loyalty."

Mr. Howe was followed by Mr. Stewart of Nevada, in a brief speech; he thought it was the duty of the President to see that the laws were enforced, and he would build up without tearing down the organizations the President had reared. When a loyal man who had been tried in the fire of war was elected to the Senate he would admit him. Mr. Howe desired to have his resolution referred to the joint special Committee on Reconstruction, but Mr. McDougal of California objecting, it went over and was not again considered.

CHAPTER II.

RECONSTRUCTION.-PRESIDENT'S MESSAGE.

Mr. Stevens' motion agreed to.-Debate on Reconstruction.-Speech of Mr. Stevens.-Mr. Finck's Speech.-Mr. Raymond.-Mr. Bingham. Speech of Mr. Spaulding.-Speech of Mr. Latham.-Mr. Blaine.—Mr. Shellabarger's Speech.-Mr. Voorhees' Resolution.-Speech of Mr. Voorhees. Mr. Bingham's Speech.-Motion to amend.-Referred.-Speech of Mr. Deming.-Mr. Smith.-Mr. Baker's Speech.-Mr. Broomall's Speech. Mr. Hubbell's Speech.-Mr. Randall.-Mr. Lawrence.-Mr. Stillwell.Mr. Welker.-Mr. Henderson.-Mr. Kelso.-Speech of Mr. Ward.Speech of Mr. Newell.-Remarks of Mr. Strouse.-Mr. Defrees.-Mr. Cook.-Resolutions of Mr. Broomall.-Mr. Cullom's Speech.—Mr. Clarke's Speech.-Mr. Plantz's Speech.-Mr. Beaman's Speech.—Mr. Bromwell's Speech.-Mr. Mc Kee's Speech.-Mr. Thornton's Speech. Remarks of Mr. Kuykendall, and Mr. Finck.-Mr. Orth.-Speech of Mr. Stevens.

In the House of Representatives on the 18th of December, Mr. Stevens of Pennsylvania, moved that so much of the President's message as related to the Reconstruction of the Rebel States be referred to the Joint Special Committee on Reconstruction; and the motion was agreed to. The House then commenced a debate on Reconstruction, the President's message being under consideration, which continued at times during several months.

The debate was opened by Mr. Stevens on the power and proper principles of Reconstruction. He declared that it mattered little whether the rebel States were out of the Union or only dead

States in the Union; they were incapable of representation without the action of the Government of the United States. "Dead States," he said, cannot restore their own existence as it was. "Whose especial duty is it to do it? In whom does the Constitution place the power? Not in the judicial

branch of Government, for it only adjudicates and

does not prescribe laws. Not in the Executive, for he only executes and cannot make laws. Not in the Commander in Chief of the Army, for he can only hold them under military rule until the sovereign legislative power of the conqueror shall give them law." Mr. Stevens then said— "this doctrine of a white man's Government is as atrocious as that infamous sentiment that damned the late Chief Justice to everlasting fame; and I fear to everlasting fire."

On the 21st, the House resumed the consideration of the President's message, and Mr. Finck of Ohio spoke in condemnation of the policy of extending suffrage by the action of Congress, in the rebel States, denounced centralization and consolidation, and deplored the ideas, policy and influence of New England. Mr. Raymond of New York, replied to Mr. Stevens, and denied that the rebel States were either out of the Union, or dead States within the Union. He expressed the hope and belief that they had returned in all sincerity and good faith to join in promoting the prosperity of the country, in defending the banner of its

glory and in fighting the battles of Democratic freedom. Mr. Bingham of Ohio, and Mr. Jenckes of Rhode Island briefly replied to Mr. Raymond.

On the 5th of January, Mr. Spalding of Ohio resumed the debate. He said, "The people of eleven States had formally absolved themselves from all allegiance to the Government of the United States, and had made use of all their material resources to effect its full and final overthrow. They had marshaled mighty armies in the field. They had sent armed ships to prey upon the commerce of the country in distant seas. They had sent their emissaries, with torches, to burn the dwellings of loyal citizens, and with the seeds of pestilence to destroy their lives. They had resorted to starvation to thin the ranks of captive soldiers. In fine, they had used every means, practiced by civilized or barbarous nations, to break down and destroy the constitutional Government of the United States, and were only prevented from accomplishing their work by the heroic endurance and patriotic valor of our citizen soldiers. They had refused terms of pacification unless accompanied by what they claimed as a sine qua non-the acknowledged independence of the southern confederacy.

At length their armies were discomfited in the field and compelled to surrender. Their chief executive was captured and thrown into prison; and their 'confederacy' was dissipated 'like the