people of the State, in the sacrifice of their rights, in the complete success of violence and fraud as agents in reaching political results. To restate the results which will follow the withdrawal of the troops from the State House I say: 1. It will remove the protection absolutely necessary to enable the Republicans to assert and enforce their claim to the government of the State. 2. It will enable the Democrats to remove all effective opposition to the illegal military forces under the control of my opponent. 3. It will place all the agencies for maintaining the present lawful government of the State in the practical possession of the Democrats, through the admission it will require. 4. It will lead to the quick consummation of a political outrage against which I have felt and now feel it to be my solemn duty to struggle and protest so long as the faintest hope of success can be seen. Mr. Chamberlain's letter was read in a meeting of the Cabinet on April 2-at which also there was a full discussion of the situation as presented by both sides to the controversy in South Carolina. On the following day it was determined in a Cabinet meeting that the troops should be withdrawn from the State House on April 10. Governor Hampton at once returned to Columbia, his journey homeward being marked by constant manifestations of the people's regard and of their actual joy over the assurance of peace and good government in South Carolina. In Columbia there was a turnout of the military, the fire companies, civic societies and citizens generally -the number of these last having been swelled by the coming of many from different parts of the State. The Governor made a brief speech in which he congratulated the people upon their final triumph, and pledged himself and them to perform every promise made and to restore harmony and honest government. The good news was received with expressions of satisfaction all over the State. There were several public meetings, at which the speeches were interrupted with the wildest cheering and sometimes with the booming of cannon. "Hurrah for Hampton" was now the people's cry of triumph. THE ORDER TO REMOVE THE TROOPS. The following was the President's order for the removal of the Federal troops from the State House: Washington, April 3. Sir: Prior to my entering upon the duties of the Presidency there had been stationed, by order of my predecessor, in the State House at Columbia, S. C., a detachment of United States infantry. Finding them in that place, I have thought proper to delay a decision of the question of their removal until I could consider and determine whether the condition of affairs in that State is now such as to either require or justify the continued military occupation of the State House. In my opinion, there does not now exist in that State such domestic violence as is contemplated by the Constitution as the ground upon which the military power of the National Government may be invoked for the defense of the State. There are, it is true, grave and serious disputes as to the rights of certain claimants to the chief executive office of that State, but these are to be settled and determined not by the Executive of the United States, but by such orderly and peaceable means as may be provided by the Constitution and laws of the State. I feel assured that no resort to violence is contemplated in any quarter, but that, on the contrary, the disputes in question are to be settled solely by such peaceful remedies as the Constitution and the laws of the State provide. Under these circumstances, in this confidence, I deem it proper to take action in accordance with the principles announced when I entered upon the duties of the Presidency. You are, therefore, directed to see that the proper orders are issued for the removal of said troops from the State House to their previous place of encampment. R. B. Hayes. To Hon. Geo. W. McCrary, Secretary of War. On the same day the Secretary of War directed Gen. W. T. Sherman, commanding the United States army, to carry out the President's order, and to cause the withdrawal of the troops from the State House on Tuesday, April 10, 1877, at 12 o'clock, noon. CHAMBERLAIN'S FAREWELL. On his return to Columbia Mr. Chamberlain held a conference with those who had been candidates with him on the Republican ticket, and was by them advised to "discontinue the struggle for the occupancy of the gubernatorial chair." Thereupon-on the very day of the departure of the soldiers from the State House-Mr. Cham. berlain issued the following paper: To the Republicans of South Carolina: By your choice I was made Governor of this State in 1874. At the election on the 7th of November last, I was again by your votes elected to the same office. My title to the office, upon every legal and moral ground, is today clear and perfect. By the recent decision and action of the President of the United States I find myself unable longer to maintain my official rights, and I hereby announce to you that I am unwilling to prolong a struggle which can only bring further suffering upon those who engage in it. In announcing this conclusion it is my duty to say for you that the Republicans of South Carolina entered upon their recent political struggle for the maintenance of their political and civil rights. Constituting beyond question a large majority of the lawful voters of the State, you allied yourselves with that political party whose central and inspiring principle has hitherto been the civil and political freedom of all men under the Constitution and laws of our country. By heroic efforts and sacrifices which the just verdict of history will rescue from the cowardly scorn now cast upon them by political placemen and traders, you secured the electoral vote of South Carolina for Hayes and Wheeler. In accomplishing this result you became the victims of every form of persecution and injury. From authentic evidence it is shown that not less than one hundred of your number were murdered because they were faithful to their principles and exercised rights solemnly guaranteed to them by the nation. You were denied employment, driven from your homes, robbed of the earnings of years of honest industry, hunted for your lives like wild beasts, your families outraged and scattered-for no offense except your peaceful and firm determination to exercise your political rights. You trusted, as you had a right to trust, that if by such efforts you established the lawful supremacy of your political party in the nation the Government of the United States, in the discharge of its constitutional duty, would protect the lawful Government of the State from overthrow at the hands of your political enemies. From causes patent to all men and questioned by none who regard truth you have been unable to overcome the unlawful combinations and obstacles which have opposed the practical supremacy of the government which your votes have established. For many weary months you have waited for your deliverance. While the long struggle for the Presidency was in progress you were exhorted by every representative and organ of the National Republican party to keep your allegiance true to that party, in order that your deliverance might be certain and complete. Not the faintest whisper of the possibility of disappointment in these hopes and promises ever reached you while the struggle was pending. Today-April 10, 1877-by the order of the President whom your votes alone rescued from overwhelming defeat, the Government of the United States abandons you, deliberately withdraws from you its support, with the full knowledge that the lawful Government of the State will be speedily overthrown. By a new interpretation of the Constitution of the United States, at variance alike with the previous practice of the Government and with the decisions of the Supreme Court, the Executive of the United States evades the duty of ascertaining which of two rival State governments is the lawful one, and by the withdrawal of troops now protecting the State from domestic violence abandons the lawful State Government to a struggle with insurrectionary forces too powerful to be resisted. The grounds of policy upon which such action is defended are startling. It is said that the North is weary of the long Southern troubles. It was weary, too, of the long troubles which sprang from the stupendous crime of chattel slavery, and longed for repose. It sought to cover them from sight by wicked compromises with the wrong which disturbed its peace, but God held it to its duty until, through a conflict which rocked and agonized the Nation, the great crime was put away and freedom was ordained for all. It is said that if a majority of a State are unable by physical force to maintain their rights, they must be left to political servitude. Is this a doctrine ever before heard in our history? If it shall prevail, its consequences will not long be confined to South Carolina and Louisiana. It is said that a Democratic House of Representatives will refuse an appropriation for the army of the United States if the lawful government of South Carolina be maintained by the military forces. Submission to such coercion marks the degeneracy of the political party or people which endures it. A government worthy the name, a political party fit to wield power, never before blanched at such a threat. But the edict has gone forth. No arguments or considerations which your friends could present have sufficed to avert the disaster. No effective means of resistance to the consummation of the wrong are left. The struggle can be prolonged. My strict legal rights are, of course, wholly unaffected by the action of the President. No court of the State has jurisdiction to pass upon the title of my office. No lawful Legislature can be convened except at my call. If the use of these powers promised ultimate success to our cause, I should not shrink from any sacrifices which might confront me. It is a cause in which by the light of reason and conscience a man might well lay down his life. But, to my mind, my present responsibility involves the consideration of the effect of my action upon those whose representative I am. I have hitherto been willing to ask you, Republicans, to risk all dangers and endure all hardships until relief should come from the Government of the United States. That relief will never come. I cannot ask you to follow me further. In my best judgment I can no longer serve you by further resistance to the impending calamity. With gratitude to God for the measure of endurance with which He has hitherto inspired me, with gratitude to you for your boundless confidence in me, with profound admiration for your matchless fidelity to the cause in which we have struggled, I now announce to you and to the people of the State that I shall no longer actively assert my right to the office of Governor of South Carolina. The motives and purposes of the President of the United States in the policy which compels me to my present course are unquestionably honorable and patriotic. I devoutly pray that events may vindicate the wisdom of his action, and that peace, justice, freedom and prosperity may hereafter be the portion of every citizen of South THE LAWFUL GOVERNMENT IN POSSESSION. At noon on April 10, 1877, the company of United States soldiers, about thirty men commanded by a captain, marched out of the State House of South Carolina and returned to their quarters in Columbia. There were a number of people gathered to witness the evacuation, but there was no demonstration. On the same day, in response to a communication from Governor Hampton, Mr. Chamberlain informed him of his readiness to turn over to him the executive chamber, with the records and property appertaining to the executive office, at noon of the following day. Accordingly, on April 11, 1877, at 12 o'clock precisely, the transfer was made to Governor Hampton's private secretary by the gentleman who had served Mr. Chamberlain by that designation. The Republican claimants for the several State offices soon surrendered so that by May I all the lawfully elected officers were in full possession. Governor Hampton called the General Assembly to meet in special session on April 24. In the Senate Gleaves yielded the place of Lieutenant-Governoraffecting, however, to believe that he was the victim of a "great wrong." Swails taking the chair, there was an attempt by the Republicans to have Lieutenant-Governor Simpson take the oath of office-which, of course, he declined to do. After some noisy demonstrations by some of the negro senators he took the chair vacated by Swails, and there was no further trouble. In the House those who had been of the Mackey body were simply ignored. It was resolved that before being sworn each must apologize to the House and "purge himself of his contempt." Two or three refused and were never admitted. The case of the delegation from Charleston was referred to a committee which afterwards reported that owing to the prevalence of fraud and violence in that county there had been no lawful election there-whereupon Mackey and his fellows were excluded. At this session Judge Willard was elected Chief Justice of the Supreme Court and Mr. Henry McIver, of Chesterfield, Associate |