swear in these words: "I do solemnly swear that I have never voluntarily borne arms against the United States since I became a citizen thereof; that I have voluntarily given no aid, countenance, counsel or encouragement to persons engaged in armed hostility thereto; that I have never sought nor accepted nor attempted to exercise the functions of any office whatever under any authority, or pretended authority, in hostility to the United States; and that I have not yielded a voluntary support to any pretended government, authority, power or constitution within the United States, hostile or inimical thereto."

In his message to Congress on the opening of its regular session, December 4, 1865, the President reported to that body his acts in relation to the Southern States, giving at length his views in support of his policy.

In a message to the Senate, delivered on December 19, the President said: "In reply to the message adopted by the Senate on the 12th, I have the honor to state that the rebellion waged by a portion of the people against the properly constituted authorities of the United States has been suppressed; that the United States are in possession of every State in which the insurrection existed, and that, as far as could be done, the courts of the United States have been restored, postoffices reestablished, and steps taken to put into effective operation the revenue laws of the country." Then followed a statement of the action of the several States "lately in rebellion" in their efforts towards a restoration of their relations with the Federal Union.

The President submitted at the same time General Grant's letter to him, written after his "tour of inspection" through some of the Southern States, in the course of which that officer said:

I am satisfied that the mass of thinking men of the South accept the present situation of affairs in good faith. The questions which have heretofore divided the sentiments of the people of the two sections-slavery and State rights, or the right of a State to secede from the Union-they regard as having been settled forever by the highest tribunal-arms-that man can resort to. I was pleased to learn from the leading men whom I met that they not only accepted the decision arrived at as final, but that now the smoke of battle has cleared away and time has been given for reflection, that this decision has been a fortunate one for the whole country, they receiving the like benefits from it with those who opposed them in the field and in council. Four years of war, during which law was only executed

at the point of the bayonet throughout the States in rebellion, have left the people possibly in a condition not to yield that ready obedience to civil authority which the American people have been in the habit of yielding. This would render the presence of small garrisons throughout those States necessary until such time as labor returns to its proper channel and civil authority is fully established. The presence of black troops, lately slaves, demoralizes labor, both by their advice and by furnishing in their camps a resort for the freedmen for long distances around. White troops generally excite no opposition, and therefore a small number of them can maintain order in a given district. . . My observations lead me to the conclusion that the citizens of the Southern States are anxious to return to self-government within the Union as soon as possible; that, whilst reconstructing, they want and require that protection from the Government which they think is required by the Government, not humiliating to them as citizens, and that if such a course were pointed out they would pursue it in good faith.

By his proclamation of April 2, 1866, the President restored the writ of habeas corpus, which, as before stated, had been suspended, and abrogated the military power in civil matters-this in all the Southern States except Texas. By his proclamation of August 20, 1866, His Excellency took similar action in reference to that commonwealth, and as to the late rebellion declared "that the said insurrection is at an end, and that peace, order, tranquillity and civil authority prevail in and throughout the whole of the United States of America."

At a later stage of the Reconstruction period (September 7, 1867), President Johnson proclaimed amnesty to all those who participated in "the late rebellion" except persons of three classes-(1) those who held the chief executive offices or cabinet positions, or military rank above the grade of brigadier-general, or naval rank above the grade of captain; (2) those who had treated otherwise than as lawful prisoners of war persons who had been engaged in the military or naval service of the United States; (3) all persons in civil or military custody, and all persons engaged directly or indirectly in the plot to assassinate the late President of the United States.

By his proclamation of July 4, 1868, the President proclaimed "unconditionally and without reservation to all and to every person who directly or indirectly participated in the late insurrection, excepting such person or persons as may be under presentment or indictment in any court of the United States having competent jurisdiction, upon a charge of treason or other felony, a full pardon and

amnesty for the offense of treason against the United States, or of adhering to their enemies during the late Civil War, with restoration of all rights of property, except as to slaves, and except also as to any property of which any person may have been legally divested under the laws of the United States."

On December 25, 1868, the President proclaimed full pardon and amnesty "to all and to every person who directly or indirectly participated in the late insurrection or rebellion."

[It is interesting to note that from the benefits of the proclamation of July 4, 1868, there was excepted Jefferson Davis, the President of the Confederate States of America, who before the issuance of the proclamation had been indicted for treason-this at the March term, 1868, of the Circuit Court of the United States for the District of Virginia, Chief Justice Chase and Judge Underwood presiding. The defendant pleaded that under Section 3 of the Fourteenth Amendment certain penalties and disabilities were fixed upon him for having engaged in rebellion after having taken the oath of a member of Congress in 1845, and that any other or further penalty was not admissible by the Constitution and laws of the United States. Upon the question thus made the Court were divided-the Chief Justice stating that in his opinion the objection of the prisoner was well taken. The amnesty proclamation of December 25, 1868, effectually disposed of the prosecution, and at a subsequent term of the court it was dismissed.]

THE PHILADELPHIA CONVENTION.

An assemblage which attracted notice all over the country and which had relation to the Reconstruction policy of President Johnson was the National Union Convention, which met in Philadelphia on August 14, 1866. The call for this convention was issued by Messrs. A. W. Randall and J. R. Doolittle, of Wisconsin, Mr. O. H. Browning, of Illinois, and Mr. Edgar Cowan, of Pennsylvania— these constituting the executive committee of the National Union Club and was indorsed by Thomas A. Hendricks, of Indiana; Daniel S. Norton, of Minnesota; and J. W. Nesmith, of Oregon.

The objects of the convention were stated to be "to sustain the administration in maintaining unbroken the Union of the States under the Constitution which our fathers established-that Union of

States which is indissoluble and perpetual-and the laws of Congress, passed in pursuance thereof, to hold counsel together, as friends and brothers, upon the present condition of our national affairs, to take measures to avert possible dangers from the country, to affirm the perpetuity of the Union, the equality of the States, the abolition of slavery, and the right of the South to immediate representation in Congress"; and (in the language of Governor Orr, who was vice-president of the club for South Carolina,) "to join in an acknowledgment of the wisdom of that policy by which Andrew Johnson, President of the United States, has, in the midst of difficulties unparalleled in the history of any administration, maintained the integrity of the Constitution, identified the exercise of the executive power with the rules of strict justice and the spirit of mercy, and proved his legitimate right to succeed the great founders of the Republic as the Chief Magistrate of a common country which can be made and preserved as one nation only by the equal administration of just and equal laws."

The State Convention met in Columbia on July 31-all the districts being represented except Beaufort, Edgefield, Horry and York. The following officers were elected:

President James L. Orr, of Anderson.

Vice-Presidents-Wade Hampton, of Richland; B. H. Brown, of Barnwell; C. W. Dudley, of Marlboro; Gabriel Cannon, of Spartanburg.

Secretaries-W. L. DePass, of Kershaw; F. J. Moses, Jr., of

Sumter.

On motion of Gen. Samuel McGowan, it was resolved that "this convention approves the restoration policy of President Johnson, as opposed to the radical policy of Congress, and we accept the invitation to unite with the conservatives of the country in the national convention to be held in Philadelphia."

Delegates were then elected as follows:

State at Large-James L. Orr, James B. Campbell, B. F. Perry, John L. Manning.

Congressional Districts-First, Richard Dozier, of Georgetown; F. J. Moses, Sr., of Sumter. Second, Thomas Y. Simons, of Charleston; William P. Shingler, of Berkeley. Third, David L. Wardlaw and Samuel McGowan, of Abbeville. Fourth, Thomas N. Dawkins, of Union; James Farrow, of Spartanburg.

The National Union Convention duly assembled in Philadelphia, on the day appointed, there being about six hundred delegates in attendance.

Mr. A. W. Randall opened the proceedings by saying: "Gentlemen, I have to announce that the delegates from South Carolina and Massachusetts will now come, arm in arm, into this Convention."

"This announcement," according to the telegraphic report to the Columbia Phoenix, "was greeted with great applause. The entire audience rising at this moment, Major-General Couch, of Massachusetts, and Governor Orr, of South Carolina, at the head of their delegations, marched arm in arm-banners flying and music playing. Shout upon shout spontaneously rent the air, and tears filled the eyes of delegates and spectators."

Gen. John A. Dix, of New York, was made temporary chairman, and Mr. J. R. Doolittle elected president. Among the vice-presidents was Judge Wardlaw, of South Carolina.

C. L. Vallandigham, of Ohio, sent a letter expressing his entire sympathy with the objects of the Convention, and stating that he had declined to be a delegate because his action might expose the body to misconception or misrepresentation.

President Johnson sent a telegram saying: "I thank you for your cheering and encouraging dispatch. The finger of Providence is unerring and will guide you safely through. The people must be trusted, and the country will be restored. My faith is unshaken as to the ultimate success."

The Committee on Resolutions (on which was the Hon. B. F. Perry, of South Carolina) submitted a declaration of principles (which was unanimously adopted) and afterwards issued an address to the country. These papers stated in extenso the propositions contained in the call for the Convention.

A committee, of which the Hon. Reverdy Johnson was chairman and spokesman, reported to the President, in an appropriate address, the action of the Convention. The President received them cordially and made a suitable response.

MILITARY INTERFERENCE.

The extent of the restoration of South Carolina to her place in the Federal Union, considered independently of the action of Congress, was affected by the acts and proceedings of the military