Mobley or Neagle, or men of their type, such disapproval found no expression in words. On the contrary, the negroes were rather encouraged in their folly and made to understand that with them, as against the whites, was the State Government, backed by the army of the United States.

The white people were without organization except their political clubs, and were but poorly supplied with arms. The ugly conditions brought about by the arming of the negroes, by the incendiary teachings of many of the Radical leaders, and by the aggressive, frequently insolent, sometimes threatening, conduct of the negro militia induced the whites to prepare for the worst by having arms ready in the event of a conflict-a contingency which seemed reasonably certain and which appeared also to be desired by Scott and other Radical leaders.

The Union Reform party proceeded to an energetic canvass. Full tickets were nominated in all the counties-especial care being taken to select candidates whose high character, clean record and conservative course in life might commend them to the kindly consideration of the colored people. In the case of the Legislature and of the Board of County Commissioners the negroes were generally represented on the ticket. In some instances, where the Republican nominee was honest and capable, the opposition refrained from putting out a candidate. Every effort was made to promote peace and prevent misunderstanding between the races.

The burden of the campaign naturally fell upon the nominees for Governor and Lieutenant-Governor-Judge Carpenter and General Butler. They addressed meetings in every county-sometimes under circumstances requiring coolness, courage and consummate tact to prevent a breach of the peace, possibly attended with bloodshed, such as the Radical managers plainly desired. There were disturbances in some places, caused by the offensive behavior of some of the negroes, who were emboldened in their conduct by the readiness if not the actual presence of negro militia. Besides the two candidates named, the Union Reform nominees for Congress, together with leading men in different counties, took the stump and pleaded the cause of reform in the State government and peace between the races. Especial efforts were made to persuade the colored voters to break away from the control of their leaders and join with the whites in the effort to restore honest government. In

this matter two difficulties especially were encountered throughout the campaign-the belief of the negroes that the oath taken in joining the Union League bound them to vote the Republican ticket, and the persecution visited upon colored men who declared the purpose to vote for Carpenter and Butler. That persecution took several forms-abuse, threats, personal violence, the severance of the marital relation, and in a few cases excommunication. There were some colored men killed during the canvass by men of their own race, and in the judgment of those best acquainted with the circumstances the sufferers were shot because of their avowed opposition to the Radical ticket.

The Radical managers evidently depended upon the power of the Union League, the influence of race prejudice and the demonstrations of the negro militia and the constabulary as the agencies by which the election was to be carried. Most of the speeches on their side were mere appeals to the negroes to stand by their new friends against their old masters who, some Radical orators vehemently declared, would not only deprive them of their political rights, but would, if such a thing were possible, put them back in slavery.

There was little opportunity for joint discussion-though at some town or neighborhood meetings spokesmen of the reformers were heard along with Republican speakers. The State committee of the Union Reform party urged that the nominees for Governor and Lieutenant-Governor have a joint discussion, and the Republican chairman (Ransier) affected willingness for such an arrangement. But the Reformers' demand that Scott and Carpenter, Butler and Ransier, should be the speakers being refused, no joint discussion ever came off.

In this campaign one incident which especially engaged the public attention was the letter of Judge James L. Orr, in which he declared his purpose to vote for Scott and Ransier, and gave his reasons for so doing. The letter was quite long, but it really contained only these reasons:

1. Because the objects which the Union Reform party proposed to accomplish were entirely impracticable and the results of the proposed canvass would be pernicious.

2. Because reform could be accomplished through the Republican party only-being impossible through the Union Reform movement.

3. Because, notwithstanding the existence of just cause for complaint in the conduct and condition of public affairs, "the Republican party had done much to ameliorate the condition of the white people" -in the adoption of the homestead exemption, in prohibiting the collection of debts incurred for the purchase of slaves, in the abolition of imprisonment for debt, and (notwithstanding the "extravagance and improvidence" of the dominant party) in raising the price of State bonds "from 26 in January, 1868, to 90 at the present time."

The statements of Judge Orr are deserving of especial notice because they constituted his reasons for separating himself from his own people—the reasons of a gentleman whose ability was everywhere recognized and of whose personal honesty there has never been a question. That Judge Orr's views were not shared by any considerable portion of the white people was plainly demonstrated in this election of 1870. The number of white men who followed him into the Republican party was inconsiderable, and these had been almost wholly without influence.

In the appointment of election commissioners (who selected the managers) Governor Scott ignored the Reformers' request for representation on the boards and put the election in the control of men who would do his bidding.

There were fears of trouble on election day-these due not only to the excited state into which the negroes had been worked during the campaign, but to the threats and demonstrations of the negroes themselves particularly some of the negro soldiers. It was commonly reported, and naturally believed by the whites, that the negro militia intended to appear at the polls with their guns. In Yorkville it was stated that the negro company intended to stack their guns in front of the polling place for the day. In that instance the militia officers took advice and kept their guns in their armory-a course which undoubtedly prevented bloodshed. The white man who would have submitted to the indignity proposed would, in that day and time, have been accounted a craven of the lowest type. A like spirit pervading the white people all over the State, the miltia as such were not permitted to meddle in the election. But there were instances of misconduct on the negroes' part which showed the effects of their leaders' teachings. A few of these must suffice to indicate the spirit of the negroes as taught by their leaders, white and black.

In Charleston while Judge Carpenter was quietly going home he was hooted, jeered and insulted by a crowd of young negro vagabonds-this without protest from some grown negroes present and without interference by the city police.

A gentleman of Charleston who exercised the right to express his opinion and to use the street in walking from one point to another was set upon by negro policemen and severely clubbed about the head-the manifest purpose of this action being to assert the negro's power over the white man.

A gentleman having the care of the Union Reform ballots for one of the island precincts near Charleston was met by a crowd of five or six hundred negroes, insulted, maltreated and compelled by force to give up the tickets-the negroes actually threatening his life. Taking refuge in a house, he was after a few hours released by some friends. The lawless negroes immediately attacked the party and beat them all severely, using clubs or bludgeons. At the poll for which the ballots were intended a number of the more intelligent colored men voted the Union Reform ticket, and for this they were pursued by Radical negroes, some of these armed with guns, and in several cases were beaten almost to death.

Similar conduct marked the course of the negroes elswhere on the coast-colored men being cruelly beaten for having voted with the Reformers.

At Laurens the tension was very great, but the knowledge by Joe Crews and the other Radical leaders that the whites were well prepared for any trouble that might come induced them to advise their followers to keep the peace, and the election passed off quietly. On the day following, however, there was a disturbance due to the riotous and seriously threatening behavior of the negro militia-the trouble growing out of a fight between a white citizen and a State constable. The negro militia repaired to their armory and fired a volley in the direction of the public square. The whites, with what pistols and guns they could get, with brickbats and walking canes, charged the building occupied by the negro troops. Three militiamen were hurt, one fatally. The guns of the company were captured, but were afterwards delivered up to the sheriff.

As a result of the excitement and irritation caused by this affray there were some lawless acts done, on the night of the riot, by unknown parties. One Powell, white, the Radical candidate for probate

judge, was shot to death, as was also a negro accompanying him. Three other negroes were shot to death the same night—among them Wade Perrin, just elected to the House, whose incendiary talk and vicious conduct had caused much trouble in Laurens County.

There were incipient riots at several other polling places, but the coolness of the whites prevented serious results. In most instances the trouble was caused by the misconduct of State constables in interfering where they had no authority. Advised that in the event of bloodshed they would surely be among the sufferers, they very soon changed their procedure.

At several county seats there were United States troops, but their officers strictly obeyed orders-their instructions being not to interefere except to preserve the peace.

The Radical ticket was elected by a heavy majority-Scott receiving 85,071 votes and Carpenter 51,537.

The Radical nominee was declared elected in each congressional district, as follows:

First-Joseph H. Rainey (colored), of Georgetown, defeating C. W. Dudley, of Marlboro.

Second-Robert C. DeLarge (colored), defeating C. C. Bowen (Rep.) and R. S. Tharin (Dem.), all of Charleston.

Third-R. B. Elliott (colored) defeating John E. Bacon, both of Edgefield.

Fourth-A. S. Wallace, of York, defeating I. G. McKissick, of

Union.

In the contest between DeLarge and Bowen the House decided that the election had been so tainted throughout with fraud that nobody was lawfully chosen. The contest of McKissick against Wallace was decided in favor of Wallace.

CITIZENS ARRESTED BY SOLDIERS.

Early in December of this year a body of United States soldiers proceeded to Laurens, accompanied by John B. Hubbard, as deputy marshal of the United States, to arrest certain gentlemen alleged to have participated in the disturbance above noted as having occurred on the day after the election. Warrants had been issued by a commissioner resident in Columbia, and the use of troops was ostensibly in aid of the marshal in executing process. Several citizens of the highest character were thus arrested-the charge being that they had