In the summer of 1865 in Beaufort District a movement was started by a Federal officer to organize and arm companies of troops from among the negro population. The matter having been brought by Governor Perry to the notice of General Gillmore, the department commander, that officer promptly forbade the enrollment of any more negro troops.

When Governor Scott first appeared to contemplate the arming of his militia the Charleston News protested, and predicted that the course proposed would bring trouble. Thereupon Mr. George W. Williams, of that city, a leading merchant and a conservative citizen, addressed a letter to the Governor, expressing surprise at the intimations of the News, and strongly presenting the troubles that would surely follow the arming of the negroes. Governor Scott answered by denouncing the suggestions of the News as sensational and as not warranted by his policy or purposes.

In York County, early in 1870, a company of negro militia was organized under the command of one John R. Faris, a white man, and duly supplied with rifles and ammunition. This company caused so much trouble in the neighborhood affected by the conduct of its members, that the grand jury, after making inquiry into the matter, presented the organization as dangerous to the peace of the county, wholly incompetent, in case of necessity, to enforce the laws, as a nuisance to the township in which it manoeuvered, and as "a violation of the Constitution of the United States, which guarantees to every State a republican form of government," in that "the lives, liberties and property of citizens are placed in the hands of a military organization not responsible to the law for their conduct." This remonstrance remaining unheeded and the conduct of the negro company afterwards becoming unendurable, a party of men proceeded to capture some of the guns and warn the soldiers that they must discontinue their operations. The company thereafter ceased to exist.

The number of guns issued to the negro militia between March and July, 1870, was over 7,000, whilst there was but one company of whites enrolled-that of Capt. Richard O'Neale, Jr., in Columbia. This company had been raised under the advice of some of the best men in the city-they thinking that the organization of white companies would help to preserve the peace. Applications were received from some companies in other parts of the State, but these were rejected on the ground, as alleged, that the quota of companies in the

several regiments had already been enlisted, or that the supply of arms was exhausted.

Captain O'Neale's company never really formed a part of the militia. Assigned to a regiment commanded by a negro colonel, they promptly disbanded.

Col. Asbury Coward, principal of King's Mountain Military School, located at Yorkville, communicated with Governor Scott with reference to procuring guns and equipments for drill purposes. Governor Scott claimed to be unable to furnish what was desired, but at the same time called attention to that provision of the militia law which declared "that there shall be no military organizations or formations for the purpose of arming, drilling, exercising the manual of arms, or military manoeuvers, not authorized by this act and by the commander-in-chief, and any neglect or violation of the provisions of this section shall, upon conviction, be punished with imprisonment at hard labor in the State penitentiary for a term not less than one year, nor more than three years, at the discretion of a competent court."

At the session of the Legislature, 1870-71, a bill was introduced to exempt schools from the operation of the above-cited provision, but it was rejected on the unfavorable report of the military committee. A bill to exempt Colonel Coward's school suffered a like fate. A few years later the cadets used guns (furnished by Colonel Coward) without interference or objection.

The militia companies were located principally in Charleston, in Beaufort, and in upcountry counties where the Radical managers expected most trouble in electing their tickets. Preference seemed also to have been given to counties of the congressional districts represented by Hoge and Wallace respectively. In Laurens, where Joseph Crews, lieutenant-colonel of the "national guard," was the Radical leader, there were eight companies, and to that officer were issued 620 Remington rifles (changed to breech-loaders), fifty Winchesters and 11,000 rounds of ball cartridges. In York there were three companies, in Fairfield three, in Chester three, in Union three, in Spartanburg three, and in other counties in the upcountry two or three each.

In Union County the militia companies were directed by one June Mobley, a mulatto fellow whose incendiary talk caused much friction

between the races, but who had no office in the "national guard.” He received 10,000 rounds of ammunition.

The captains of the different companies were invariably negroes, all of them ignorant and some of them so poorly educated that they made their crossmarks in receipting for guns and cartridges. Each company operated in its own neighborhood, without any apparent recognition of superior authority.

The constabulary force, numbering about five hundred men, still commanded by John B. Hubbard, were armed with Winchester rifles, and most of them also carried a pistol, sometimes two pistols, apiece. This force was kept well in hand by Hubbard, under the direct orders of Governor Scott, for the purpose of overawing the whites in doubtful counties, and thus helping on the Governor's reelection.

The first term of R. K. Scott as Governor of South Carolina was marked by the inception of several of the schemes whereby the people were robbed and oppressed. It was during this term that what was then called the "Radical ring" was actually organized-a combination of men high in the councils of the Republican party, whose robberies, instituted very shortly after the inauguration of the negro government, continued without ceasing and without remorse for six years, and then stopped only because of the fear of opposition by the national Republican organization and repudiation by the National Government, whose bayonets were necessary to enable the State administration to maintain its authority.

Some of the schemes were completed in Governor Scott's first term, but their consequences extended into his second term and intɔ the term of Governor Moses. Some of the later schemes were devised to cover up previous frauds. Some of the actors in these plans to defraud the State continued in their villainous work for the six years preceding the inauguration of Governor Chamberlain in 1874. The history of these frauds is the history of the Republican party in South Carolina-the continuous story of that party's abuse of opportunity, its infamous use of its power over the white race, its flagrant breach of every pledge contained in its platforms, its unvarying support of plunderers and corruptionists. For these reasons it is thought best that of the present history the account of the flagrant frauds and actual robberies perpetrated-whether by corrupt indi

viduals acting of themselves or by officials claiming to act under the forms of law-should constitute a separate chapter.

Of the different acts of the State government and its several officials enough will be written, as the main story proceeds, to show the character of the different administrations considered as governmental agencies and to show also the purposes of the men who corruptly used their powers or shamelessly abused their trusts.

THE CAMPAIGN OF 'SEVENTY.

There was much difference of opinion among the white people as to the best mode of seeking to drive Governor Scott and his party out of power. With a view to discussing the situation and settling on a policy a conference of editors was held in Columbia on March 16, 1870. The conclusions of the gentlemen thus assembled were expressed in the following resolutions unanimously adopted:

Resolved, That this conference recognizes the legal right of all citizens of this State, irrespective of color, to suffrage.

Resolved, That this conference recognizes the legal right of all the citizens of this State, irrespective of color or former condition, to office, subject alone to personal qualications and fitness.

Resolved, That in the judgment of this conference a convention of the people of the State, opposed to radicalism and in favor of good and honest government, should be held in the city of Columbia at some convenient time, for the purpose of nominating a State ticket, which, while assuring equal and exact justice to all, will afford some degree of security, prosperity and good government.

Resolved, That this conference respectfully suggest to the people of the State Wednesday, the 15th of June ensuing, as a suitable time for holding said convention.

In response to this call a convention duly assembled in Columbia on the day suggested. The delegates were as follows:

Abbeville-Not represented.

Anderson-White: James A. Hoyt, William Perry, M. B. Gaillard, B. F. Crayton, D. M. Watson, George Seaborne, Dr. W. C. Brown, J. H. Earle.

Barnwell-White: Bryan Weathersbee, Daniel Minor, R. B. Wilson, Robert Aldrich, B. W. Middleton, William Singleton, W. L. Ball.

Beaufort-Not represented.

Charleston-White: Robert Mure, George L. Buist, J. Francis Britton, John Campsen, Bernard O'Neill, R. Hunter, J. B. Steele,

A. Melchers, T. S. Browning, Thomas Y. Simons, F. W. Dawson, J. D. Parker, L. McLain, Alva Gage, J. J. Grace, W. E. Mikell, E. W. Marshall, A. O. Stone, E. G. Goodwyn. Colored: John Abbott, B. R. Kinloch, Charles Michael, W. E. Marshall, William Black, Rev. Jonas Bird, A. Harper, M. Cochrane, W. A. Sneed, W. G. Routt, Charles Miller, Theo. Mitchell, W. L. Shecutt, Cyrus Fenwick, Elias Johnson, William R. Fordham.

Chester-White: James Pagan, George W. Melton, John J. McLure, C. S. Brice, James G. Lowry, R. S. Hope, J. B. Atkinson, H. C. Brawley, D. R. Stevenson, W. A. Peden, C. H. Ragsdale, R. N. Hemphill, C. W. McFadden, W. P. Gill, J. H. Moffatt, H. J. Pride, John Sanders, John Simpson, J. W. Wilkes, John B. Cornwell. Colored: Henry Ware, Benjamin Blake, Philip Cloud, Daniel Witherspoon, Thomas Hardin, Green Johnson, Luke Debardelaben, Prince Young, Marbery DeGraffenreid, Robert Stratford, Elias Hopkins, Sancho Sanders, Philip Douglass, Jefferson Jordan, Gabriel Moore, Alexander Kelsey, Green Jackson, William DeGraffenreid, Thomas Brown, Alfred Walker.

Chesterfield-White: E. F. Malloy.

Clarendon-White: James M. Davis.
Colleton-Not represented.

Darlington-White: J. L. Coker, E. E. Evans, J. P. Chase, Dr. J. E. Bird, H. J. Lee. Colored: William Brearly, Rev. C. Jones, Rev. E. J. Snetter, H. Brown, Ben Dargan.

Edgefield-White: M. C. Butler, W. T. Gary, John E. Bacon, Lewis Jones, Dr. Thomas Jennings, Robert B. Watson. Colored: Dick Padgett, Harper Bostick, Henry Raford, Westley Jefferson, Clarke Simpkins, George Simpkins, Henry Barnes, Thomas Gregory. Fairfield-White: James B. McCants, David Provence, Thomas Jordan, Abraham F. Lumpkin. Colored: Alfred Moore, Sandy

Ford, Samuel Anderson, John O. Crosby.

Georgetown-Not represented.

Greenville-Not represented.

Horry-White: Joseph T. Walsh, Henry Buck.

Kershaw-White: James Chestnut, A. M. Boykin, J. B. Kershaw, John D. Kennedy, W. L. DePass, William M. Shannon, J. M. Davis, T. H. Clarke, W. A. Ancrum, T. F. McDow, W. Z. Leitner. Colored: Frank Anderson, Austin Loyd, Clayborne Hamilton, Henry Carlos, David Jenkins, John Miller.