ment"-this without any statement as to the negro's exercise of the suffrage when he should become qualified therefor.

Delegates to the National Convention were chosen as follows: State at Large-Wade Hampton, of Richland; James B. Campbell, of Charleston; alternates, C. M. Furman, of Charleston; James P. Carroll, of Richland.

First District-John L. Manning, of Clarendon; alternate, Richard Dozier, of Georgetown.

Second District-Charles H. Simonton; alternates, John Hanckel, R. B. Rhett, Jr., all of Charleston.

Third District-M. W. Gary, of Edgefield; alternate, A. D. Frederick, of Orangeburg.

The Fourth District being unrepresented in the convention, no choice was made of a delegate therefrom.

The delegates thus chosen united, with those elected at the April convention, to form the State's delegation in the National Convention the April body having overlooked the fact that the delegation was of double the number of our representatives in both branches of Congress.

The following additional members of the State Executive Committee were elected: William D. Porter, Theo. G. Barker, John E. Carew, Robert Adger, Charleston; Henry McIver, Chesterfield; A. A. Gilbert, Sumter; W. P. Finley, Marlboro.

By the action of this convention and the cooperation of the executive committee of the April convention harmony was established in the Democratic party of South Carolina.

On August 6 there was another meeting of the Democratic State Convention in Columbia-all the counties being represented. The following officers were elected:

President-Armistead Burt, of Abbeville.

Vice-Presidents-A. P. Aldrich, of Barnwell; W. W. Harllee, of Marion; John A. Wagener, of Charleston; Gabriel Cannon, of Spartanburg.

Secretaries-James G. Gibbes, of Columbia; James A. Hoyt, of Anderson; W. J. McKerrall, of Marion; J. C. Davant, of Beaufort.

The convention adopted resolutions indorsing the action of the National Democratic body, commending the course of the South Carolina delegates, and declaring the purpose to rely upon peaceful agencies only to win the fight.

The following nominations were made for presidential electors: State at Large-John P. Thomas, of Richland; John D. Kennedy, of Kershaw.

First District-Robert F. Graham, of Marion.

Second District-B. H. Rutledge, of Charleston.
Third District-A. C. Haskell, of Abbeville.
Fourth District-E. C. McLure, of Chester.

The National Democratic Convention had assembled in New York on July 4, and had nominated for President, Horatio Seymour, of New York; and for Vice-President, Frank P. Blair, Jr., of Missouri.

The platform declared for universal amnesty and for the regulation of the suffrage by the States, denounced the Reconstruction acts as "usurpations, unconstitutional, revolutionary and void"—and further denounced in detail the general policy of the Republican party.

In the meantime the Republican party, in its convention at Philadelphia, had nominated Ulysses S. Grant for President, and Schuyler Colfax for Vice-President. The platform embodied substantially an outright indorsement of the Reconstruction policy of Congress.

The State Republican Convention met in Columbia on September 8, and remained in session three days. The following electoral ticket was nominated:

State at Large-D, H. Chamberlain, of Charleston; C. J. Stolbrand, of Beaufort.

First District-S. A. Swails (colored), of Williamsburg.

Second District-A. J. Ransler (colored), of Charleston.
Third District-B. F. Randolph (colored), of Orangeburg.
Fourth District-J. M. Allen, of Greenville.

The Democratic party set promptly and vigorously to work to oppose the negro party in the fight for electors, congressmen and solicitors.

Democratic clubs were formed in all the counties-the number depending upon population and upon considerations of convenience. Meetings were held all over the State, at which speakers presented the Democratic cause and appealed to the colored people to break away from their already apparent slavery to their party organization and party leaders. Especial efforts were made to get the colored people into Democratic clubs. The small number of that race who declared themselves Democrats suffered persecution at the hands

of the men and women alike of their own race-extending to abuse, assault and grievous bodily harm. . In some cases the killing of colored men was attributed-and fairly attributed to the action of negroes who sought thus to dispose of obnoxious parties of their own race and to deter others from voting the Democratic ticket. The determination of the white men to protect negro Democrats from all harm was one thing that so affected the white Republican leaders, that though evidently in sympathy with the policy of abusing and frightening negro Democrats they yet counseled the utmost freedom of speech and action. Little or no impression could be made upon the colored people—this largely for the reason that their leaders had warned them that their oath in the Union League bound them to vote the Republican ticket.

The Republican managers evidently relied upon the power of the League to solidify the negroes against the whites-though they made speeches which frequently contained passionate appeals to the race feeling and sometimes language of a most incendiary character. The negroes had been secretly arming themselves, and in some of the counties-notably in Union-they were so demonstrative as to cause actual alarm for the safety of the white people in the country, apparently at their mercy. The coolness, firmness and wisdom of the whites, with little or no help from the Radical leaders, prevented race conflicts of a serious character.

The excited state of feeling did give rise to the killing of some colored leaders among the Radical party and of one white man, who was said to have used incendiary language to his negro hearers. This last mentioned person was S. G. W. Dill, of Kershaw, who was shot in his own house in the nighttime by unknown parties. B. F. Randolph, the colored preacher from Orangeburg, made speeches in the up-country which were calculated to inflame the negroes and equally calculated to cause a race conflict. He was shot to death in the daytime at Hodges depot in Abbeville County. James Martin, a colored member of the Legislature from Abbeville, was shot to death by unknown parties. Wade Perrin, a colored member from Laurens, suffered a like fate after the October election. There were other cases of homicide by unknown parties, the victims being negroes, but they were not really significant of the feeling aroused by the incendiary speeches of many of the Radical speakers. Governor Scott offered

rewards ranging from $2,500 to $5,000 for the arrest of the guilty parties.

Extraordinary measures were taken in the employment of the State constabulary, organized under an act of the new Legislature, to arrest persons under suspicion. Men of the highest charactersome at least selected solely because of their standing in the Statewere arrested, taken to Columbia, and, after causeless confinement in the common jail, released for failure of proof. The constable was, in some cases, attended by a squad of United States soldiers under arms. No one of the parties thus arrested was ever brought to trial. The Republican electoral ticket carried the day. The Republican congressmen at large were elected by about the same vote, but were not seated.

The Democrats elected J. P. Reed, of Anderson, over Solomon L. Hoge, of Richland, in the Third Congressional District, and William D. Simpson, of Laurens, defeated A. S. Wallace, of York, in the Fourth. Upon a contest in Congress both of the Democratic members were unseated. C. C. Bowen was elected from the Second District, defeating R. W. Seymour, of Charleston, and B. F. Whittemore, from the First, defeating Harris Covington, of Marlboro.

Solicitors were elected as follows: First Circuit, D. H. Chamberlain (Republican), of Charleston; Second, P. L. Wiggin (Republican), of Beaufort; Third, S. T. Atkinson (Democrat), of Georgetown; Fourth, A. J. Shaw (Democrat), of Marion; Fifth, William H. Talley (Democrat), of Richland; Sixth, William H. Brawley (Democrat), of Chester; Seventh, H. L. McGowan (Democrat), of Abbeville; Eighth, William H. Perry (Democrat), of Greenville. The number of Democrats thus chosen is explained by the scarcity of Republican lawyers.

The vote for electors was-Republican, 62,300; Democratic, 45,137; Republican majority, 17,163. The Democrats carried Abbeville, Anderson, Chesterfield, Greenville, Horry, Lancaster, Laurens, Lexington, Marion, Newberry, Oconee, Pickens, Spartanburg, Union, and York. The Republicans carried Barnwell, Beaufort, Charleston, Chester, Clarendon, Colleton, Darlington, Fairfield, Georgetown, Kershaw, Marlboro, Orangeburg, Richland, Sumter, and Williamsburg. There was no election in Edgefield-this because the Governor had not appointed election commissioners for that county.

On the day of the voting for congressmen and electors there were municipal elections in several cities and towns. These were without striking incidents, except in Charleston.

The white people of that city had nominated a "citizens' ticket" with Henry D. Lesesne for mayor and with gentlemen for aidermen whose character and conservatism were thought such as to invite the cooperation of the colored people. The canvass was a most exciting one. To meet the efforts of the Lesesne managers to get negro votes, the Radical leaders, white and black, resorted to disgraceful measures. Colored men who indicated a purpose to vote the “citizens’ticket”were abused, assaulted and subjected to other wrongs. One instance was seen in the treatment of Stephney Riley, a colored man who had a livery stable in the city. On the day of the election a mob of negroes assaulted Riley, and would have done him serious injury but for the vigorous interference of his white friends. Radical negroes, in bodies apparently organized for the purpose, then proceeded to injure (in one case to destroy) Riley's vehicles. After the election some of his friends among the white people raised a fund (considerably more than $600) and presented it to Riley to reimburse him for the losses he had suffered.

The Radical ticket, headed by Gilbert Pillsbury, an irresponsible carpetbagger from Massachusetts, was declared elected, and he, with a board of aldermen altogether unworthy, very soon took control of the city government.