conservative portion of the community, it professes allegiance to the Federal Constitution; while on the other hand, to secure the sympathy of the masses, and especially of those earnest spirits upon whom it must chiefly rely for aid and growth, its prominent leaders and friends allow themselves to be looked on as the refuge and protectors of the Fugitive Slave. In our view this is seeking to do justice by the commission of perjury, and the only merit such a party can claim is, that its instincts are better than its principles; and we exhort them to show at least so much moral life, so much deference to the highest moral standard, as to attempt to explain how they can swear to do that they have no intention of doing-how they can take an oath to the Federal Constitution; an oath, the virtuous breaking of which after its being deliberately taken in such circumstances as the present, is only less infamous than the keeping of it would be.

4. Resolved, That the recent Union Meeting, in Faneuil Hall, some of whose actors are well known to have helped Fugitive Slaves, and others to have refused to do their official duty in this respect, would,

in

any other circumstances, have been a farce, but must now be regarded, by all honest men, as a SOBER LIE.

5. Resolved, That the infamous Union Committee of New York, embodying the highest legal ability in that city, all made subservient to the use of the Slave claimant, whose expenses that Committee shared — thus taking away one of the most natural and legal discouragements to the recovery of Fugitive Slaves — is, we are afraid, too fair an exponent of the real public sentiment of the Free States.

6. Resolved, That whoever wishes evidence as to the character of Northern Churches may find it in the fact that reference to politics was deemed desecration of the pulpit, and silence was proclaimed to be the duty of leading denominations, until that silence was broken in behalf of the Slave-catcher, and the leading spirits of all sects leaped into the arena to uphold the Fugitive Slave Bill. Such an one may find evidence in the efforts of Drs. Spring and Cox, Drs. Rogers and Sharp, Drs. Taylor and Hawks, Moses Stuart and Orville Dewey, to confuse the moral perceptions and freeze the merciful instincts of the community; making Christianity the stalking horse of their narrow prejudice, and fawning desire for the approbation of what are thought great men; prostituting it to be the servant of human laws, and exhorting the religious men and women of the North to yield their conscientious convictions to the drunken votes of a mob of trading politicians and

profane revellers, dignified with the title of the Congress of the United States.

7. Resolved, That the late atrocious charge of Mr. Justice McLean, in the case of Norris vs. Crocker and others, straining as it does every principle of law to effect the condemnation of innocent men, strikes us with no surprise either from that Bench or that man; well knowing that the four northern tenants of that Bench have always been chosen from such material as could be easily moulded by their five southern brethren; that Mr. McLean was the last man in Ohio who struggled to hold Slaves there; that in his whole judicial course he has never been betrayed into one emotion of mercy or one utterance for freedom: and we rejoice that his constant, and of late, increased servility to the Slave Power, has never deceived either the North or the South.

8. Resolved, That the course of the Mayor and Aldermen of this City, in avowing that, at the late meeting for the reception of GEORGE THOMPSON, in Faneuil Hall, Marshal Tukey acted by their orders, and with their approbation, exhibits such an ignorance of law and of their duties, such crouching to public opinion, such entire want both of physical and moral courage, as to be alike proof and confession of their disqualification for the offices they hold; and their recent refusal of Faneuil Hall to this Society, on the ground that GEORGE THOMPSON was to appear on its platform, is a gross injustice to us as tax-paying inhabitants, and a shameful confession that they rule this City as the servants of the mob.

9. Resolved, That we will labor to effect such a change of public sentiment here, that Boston may have city officers enlightened and independent enough to have opinions of their own, not the mere tools of contractors, or bobs to the kites of any party or any press educated sufficiently to understand, and honest enough to attempt, at least, impartially to protect the legal rights of every citizen.

men

Mr. PHILLIPS took up the first three resolutions, and spoke eloquently in their support.

On motion of SAMUEL MAY, Jr., a resolution touching the expenses of the meeting was adopted; and the Committee on Finance was authorized to call additional members to its aid.

CHARLES C. BURLEIGH spoke in support of the resolutions.

JOHN C. CLUER, of Boston, offered the following resolution, and spoke briefly in its support, giving notice of his intention to speak more fully upon it at a future session, and produce documentary evidence.

10. Resolved, That the accusation brought against GEORGE THOMPSON, by T. D. McGee, a professed refugee patriot, charging Mr. THOMPSON with having voted, in Parliament, for a Bill "which made free speech treason," is false, and that the bringing of such a charge against one of the firmest friends of liberty, at a moment when all her foes were combined against him, shows its author a traitor to the cause he professes to love, such as even a Slaveholder would

spurn.

Adjourned to meet at Central Hall, Milk Street, at 7 o'clock.

WEDNESDAY-EVENING SESSION.

Met according to adjournment at Central Hall, EFFINGHAM L. CAPRON, one of the Vice Presidents, in the Chair.

The resolutions before the Society being read by the Secretary, EDMUND QUINCY addressed the meeting. He referred to the intelligence, brought by the magnetic telegraph to-day, from Washington, that the members of Congress are signing a pledge-not the Temperance pledge, Mr. President, said Mr. Q., though I apprehend that a great many of the gentlemen in question would be vastly benefitted by signing that document-not the Temperance pledge, but a pledge to stand by the Compromise Acts of the last session, and to resist any efforts to disturb them, or even to bring them again into discussion; and that they will support no man for President of the United States, who is not pledged to sustain the measures in question to the fullest extent. These gentlemen, Sir, are going to suppress discussion, by publishing it abroad that there shall not a word be said on the subject; and they are going to produce quiet, like the man in court, by their incessant shouts of silence! It is a common saying that the age miracles has gone. But it is not so. The Abolitionists have worked a miracle. They have made the Congress of the United States a useful body; they have compelled that body to an almost unintermitting discussion of Slavery, and have made them earn their allowance. Mr. Q. went on to show that the Anti-Slavery cause is largely indebted to its enemies for its growth and its present triumphant position; and that, in the Providence of God, opposition to the cause has been a powerful agent in extending a knowledge and consequent interest in the subject.

of

WILLIAM LLOYD GARRISON came forward, and was received with loud applause. He expressed regret that he had been, of necessity, absent from the meetings during the day. He said that, from the appearance of the audience before and around him, where he saw so many old and familiar faces, he apprehended there were not many present who needed converting. Still, said Mr. G., I shall ask to be allowed to forget, for the time being, those old friends, and speak, it may be, to the single mind in the audience, who has now to hear, for the first time, an Anti-Slavery speech. Mr. G. proceeded to examine some of the most common objections to the Abolitionists and their Cause. Among these, he referred to the charge that they have undertaken an Utopian and impossible work, namely, the relinquishment and extinction, by the holders thereof, of the principal part of their property throughout one half of the States of the Union, —a property, estimated by HENRY CLAY, more than ten years ago, at twelve hundred millions of dollars. Now I admit, said Mr. GARRISON, that if we are making war on this amount of real property, the charge against us is good. But we are doing no such thing. If the trump of Emancipation should sound this night, and every Slave in the land be converted instantly into a freeman, there would not be one dollar less of property than there is now. The lands, the farms, the plantations would remain; the houses would remain; all the materials and implements of industry and of labor would remain. And the men and the women would remain ; and as their value is in their productiveness, let the planters and others employ them as free laborers, as we employ one another in the North; and the value of that labor, upon the land and in every branch of art and mechanics, would very soon be doubled, and even trebled. Mr. G. considered various other objections, and concluded his speech, which had been listened to throughout with deep interest, in something like the following words: It is sometimes said that we are seeking justice for the Slave. But it is not justice we ask for him. Oh, no! We ask no compensation for his toils, his stripes, his sufferings, for the agonies of his life, for the degradation of generation after generation. We only ask that he shall be houseless, landless, pennyless, BUT WITH FREEDOM. (Great applause.) We hold that there can be no compensation for the Slave's wrongs. All the gold and silver in the country, and all the lands of the broad South together, could never compensate the Slave for the wrongs, the insults, the degradation, and the misery heaped upon him and his fathers, through past generations.

Mr. G. urged his hearers, one and all, to espouse this sacred cause of freedom and humanity, and took his seat amidst loud and unanimous applause.

WILLIAM GOODELL, of Honeoye Falls, New York, one of the veterans in the Anti-Slavery contest, being called upon by Mr. GARRISON, came forward and was warmly received. He said if there is any point in which he differed from his friends around him, it is on the question whether there is any constitutional obligation on this government and nation, to uphold Slavery. But he should not discuss this now. He was rejoiced to hear the sentiments, which had been repeatedly avowed in these discussions, and in the resolutions before the Society, against the Fugitive Slave Law. We, in New York, said Mr. GOODELL, like yourselves, Sir, take the ground, that, Constitution or no Constitution, the Fugitive Slave Law shall not be enforced! In that part of New York where I reside, I am confident that at least two-thirds of the people are of this mind.. There is no place, west of Albany, in which a Court could be held, to give back a Fugitive Slave; no, not even in Buffalo, where MILLARD FILLMORE resides when at home, could such a Court, I confidently believe, be held. It may be that Buffalo would prove an exception to this remark, but I doubt it. The Albany Evening Journal, a paper not over zealous in the cause of AntiSlavery, recently said that Mr. Fillmore, with the whole United States army at his heels, could not enforce the Fugitive Slave Law in Central and Western New York; and added, if he supposes he can, let him try it! This, Sir, is rather violent language; unlike the usual peaceful attitude of the Abolitionists; but it is undeniably the feeling of a very large proportion of the inhabitants of New York. William H. Seward has been blamed here, and condemned, as in a false posi tion in his appeal to a higher law. I admit, Sir, that he is in an inconsistent position, and I agree with what was said by Mr. PHILLIPS in respect thereto. But I apprehend that his position is not clearly understood; I fear that he lacks moral courage to avow his real sentiments as to the Constitution of the United States. I think it probable that he holds the view that the Constitution of the United States has an Anti-Slavery character and meaning. If he would only have the courage to come out and declare his real opinions, he might be found a consistent man. But, said Mr. GOODELL, differ as we may on these and other points, we can all agree here, that whether Slavery be in the Constitution or not, IT MUST CEASE; whether by revolution or otherwise, Slavery shall be blotted out!