THE AMERICAN QUESTION. BY WILLIAM W. STORY. Reprinted, by Permission, from "The Daily News." LONDON: GEORGE MANWARING, 8 KING WILLIAM STREET, STRAND. MDCCCLXII. 1867 The Right of Translation is reserved. THE AMERICAN QUESTION. LETTER I. THE Americans feel aggrieved at the attitude of England towards their country in the day of her trial. They had expected from her sympathy and encouragement; but for the most part the tone of her criticism has been derisive, supercilious, and patronising; and, instead of encouragement, she has uttered diatribes against the war as "internecine," "suicidal," "revolting," "disgusting," "wanton," "wicked," and "inhuman." Failure has been prophesied from the first. The Americans have been discouraged from endeavouring to heal the wounds inflicted on their country by treason. No general voice of cheer has called out, urging them to "unthread the eye of rude rebellion." They are earnestly adjured to compromise with it, to conciliate it, to bow down before it; they are told that it is impossible to subdue it. They have homilies on the horrors of war, as if the sword of England had never been unsheathed. They hear that, "bad as the institution (of slavery) is, civil war is worse;"* that emancipation is an absurdity and an impossibility; that it is vain to hope to subjugate and hold the South by force; that the American "Union is a wreck;" and the "United States of North America have ceased to be."+ And all this comes from a people whose whole history has been a struggle for freedom, popular rights, national existence, and extension of empire, through a series of civil and foreign wars-whose sword is yet dripping with the blood of *Saturday Review. + Times. treason and rebellion shed in India: one of whose greatest acts was West-Indian Emancipation; and who conquered, and has held by force, not only a vast empire in the East, but the whole Celtic portion of her own island. Such is the general tone of feeling, and such the general tenor of advice, offered by England to America. The press, with a few honourable exceptions, has steadily maligned and misrepresented the Federal Government; showing a determined bias in favour of the Southern rebellion; and even at the outset prejudging the whole case, and predetermining the issue of the conflict in favour of slavery. It has given constant comfort to the South; exaggerated its successes; praised its leaders; admired its State papers and proclamations; contrasted the gentlemen of the Confederate States with the sweaty mechanics and "mudsills" of the North; smoothed over the horrors of slavery; dwelt upon the grievance of the Tariff, and recognised the right to revolt against the Federal Government. On the other hand, it has coldly criticised the successes of the Federal army; ridiculed the State papers and policy of the North; declared that "a traveller would find himself more at liberty in Venice than in New York;" scouted the assertion that slavery is at the root of this revolt as a pretence; assailed the Government for endeavouring to force upon the South an oppressive policy of taxation; and declared its sole object to be subjugation for the sake of empire. It has predicted that the "sinews of war" would fail; that the Northern people had only faith in the almighty dollar; and, in the expectation that a foreign loan would be required, exerted all its powers to destroy the credit of the Federal Government. One paper stigmatises this war as "the most groundless and wanton civil conflict of which history gives us any account."* Another declares it to be a "civil war of unprecedented wickedness." Another characterises the Federal Government as a blustering despotism," and says that "Mr. Seward has revoked all the liberties of America, and inaugurated a reign of terror;" and adds, "Here is an end of the great experiment.' The Chronicle and the Herald threaten war; one because cotton is *Times, Oct. 12, 1861. دو + Saturday Review, Sept. 15, 1861. |