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of incompetent abilities will be consigned to oblivion, as myself must soon be to the mansions of rest.[113]

Relying on its kindness in this as in other things, and actuated by that fervent love towards it, which is so natural to a man, who views in it the native soil of himself and his progenitors for [several]" generations; -I anticipate with pleasing expectation that retreat, in which I promise myself to realize, without alloy, the sweet enjoyment of partaking, in the midst of my fellow citizens, the benign influence of good Laws under a free Government,-the ever favourite object of my heart, and the happy reward, as I trust, of our mutual cares, labours and dangers. [115]

UNITED STATES, 19th September.

1796.

G. WASHINGTON.

MATTER EMENDED BY WASHINGTON.

The following expressions are those which were first written by Washington, and afterwards erased or changed. What he finally substituted is, in the Address, included inside of the brackets, which are marked by the corresponding figures.

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1. For another term.-2, Act under.-3. That.-4. Any portion of you may yet retain.-5. Even they.-6. 7. Under.-8. Accepted.-9, To.-9},* 10. Not lessened.11. May I also have that of knowing in my retreat, that the involuntary errors, I have probably committed, have been the sources of no serious or lasting mischief to our country. I may then expect to realize, without alloy, the sweet enjoyment of partaking, in the midst my fellow citizens, the benign influence of good laws under a free government; the ever favorite object of my heart, and the happy reward, I trust, of our mutual cares dangers and labours. (In the margin opposite this paragraph is the following note in Washington's Autograph also erased, "obliterated to avoid the imputation of affected modesty.") - 11. 12. Demanded by.-13. Unequal in usefulness.-14. The constancy of your support. -15. Wander and fluctuate.-15). 16. The.-17. The only return I can henceforth make.-18, Or satisfaction.-19, Encouraged by the remembrance of your indulgent reception of my sentiments on an occasion not dissimilar to the present, urge me to offer. -20. And experience.-21. 23. In every relation. -24. In every shape.-25. Various.-26. 27. Towards it.-28. That you should accustom yourselves to reverence it as the Palladium of your political safety and prosperity, adapting constantly your words and actions to that momentous idea; that you should watch for its preservation with jealous anxiety, discountenance whatever may suggest a suspicion that it can in any event be abandoned; and frown upon the first dawning of every attempt to alienate any portion of our Country from the rest, or to enfeeble the sacred ties which now link together the several parts.29. Of a common country by birth or choice.-30. To be.-31. Unfettered.-32, Many of the peculiar.-33, The.-34, Either. -35, Liable every moment to be disturbed by the fluctuating combinations of the primary interests of Europe, which must be expected to regulate the conduct of the Nations of which it is composed.-36. And.-37, Finds.-38. Of it.-39, Cannot fail to find.-40. Which is an advantage. 41. Inevitably.-42. There is reason to regard. 43. Any.-44. They.-45. 'Tis natural.-46. It

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* The dash denotes that what appears in the Address marked by the corresponding figure was added.

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may not impossibly be found, that the spirit of party, the machinations of foreign powers, the corruption and ambition of individual citizens are more formidable adversaries to the Unity of our Empire than any inherent difficulties in the scheme. Against these the mounds of national opinion, national sympathy and national jealousy ought to be raised.-47, As.-48, Have.-49, Cause in the fact itself.50. Besides the more serious causes already hinted as threatening our Union, there is one less dangerous, but sufficiently dangerous to make it prudent to be upon our guard against it. I allude to the petulance of party differences of opinion. It is not uncommon to hear the irritations which these excite vent themselves in declarations that the different parts of the United States are ill affected to each other, in menaces that the Union will be dissolved by this or that measure. Intimations like these are as indiscreet as they are intemperate. Though frequently made with levity and without any really evil intention, they have a tendency to produce the consequence which they indicate. They teach the minds of men to consider the Union as precarious;—as an object to which they ought not to attach their hopes and fortunes; and thus chill the sentiment in its favour. By alarming the pride of those to whom they are addressed, they set ingenuity to work to depreciate the value of the thing, and to discover reasons of indifference towards it. This is not wise.-It will be much wiser to habituate ourselves to reverence the Union as the palladium of our national happiness; to accommodate constantly our words and actions to that idea, and to discountenance whatever may suggest a suspicion that it can in any event be abandoned. (In the margin opposite this paragraph are the words, "Not important enough.")-51. Our parties for some time past have been too much characterized by.— 52. These discriminations,- -the mere contrivance of the spirit of Party, always dexterous to seize every handle by which the passions can be wielded, and too skilful not to turn to account the sympathy of neighborhood), have furnished an argument against the Union as evidence of a real difference of local interests and views; and serve to hazard it by organizing larger districts of country, under the leaders of contending factions; whose rivalships, prejudices and schemes of ambition, rather than the true interests of the Country, will direct the use of their influence. If it be possible to correct this poison in the habit of our body politic, it is worthy the endeavours of the moderate and the good to effect it.-53. Subject.—54, 55, It.56. And purposes.-57, A.-58, To.-59, Owing to you as I do a frank and free disclosure of my heart, I shall not conceal from you the belief I entertain, that your Government as at present constituted is far more likely to prove too feeble than too powerful.-60, Human. 60. 61. In Republics of narrow extent, it is not difficult for those who at any time hold the reins of Power, and command the ordinary public favor, to overturn the established [constitution] in favor of their own aggrandizement.—The same thing may

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likewise be too often accomplished in such Republics, by partial combinations of men, who though not in office, from birth, riches or other sources of distinction, have extraordinary influence and numerous [adherents.]-By debauching the Military force, by surprising some commanding citadel, or by some other sudden and unforeseen movement the fate of the Republic is decided.-But in Republics of large extent, usurpation can scarcely make its way through these avenues. The powers and opportunities of resistance of a wide extended and numerous nation, defy the successful efforts of the ordinary Military force, or of any collections which wealth and patronage may call to their aid.—In such Republics it is safe to assert, that the conflicts of popular factions are the chief, if not the only inlets, of usurpation and Tyranny.-62, Through the channels of party passions. It frequently subjects the policy of our own country to the policy of some foreign country, and even enslaves the will of our Government to the will of some foreign Government.-63. It should not only warm, but.-64, Under.-65, Forms, a.-66, The.— 67. From.-68, Usual and natural.-69, Of its use.-70. Temporary.-71, Itself.-72, Cultivate industry and frugality, as auxiliaries to good morals and sources of private and public prosperity.— Is there not room to regret that our propensity to expense exceeds our means for it? Is there not more luxury among us and more diffusively, than suits the actual stage of our national progress? Whatever may be the apology for luxury in a country, mature in the Arts which are its ministers, and the cause of national opulence-can it promote the advantage of a young country, almost wholly agricultural, in the infancy of the arts, and certainly not in the maturity of wealth? (Over this paragraph in the original a piece of paper is wafered, on which the passage is written as printed in the text.)-73, Little.-74. Avoiding.-75, Coincide.-76, And cultivate peace and harmony with all, for in public as well as in private transactions, I am persuaded that honesty will always be found to be the best policy.77. Rooted.-78, A.-79, A.-80. Begets of course a similar sentiment in that other.-81, Its own.-82, 83, Another. -84. 1stly.-85, 2dly.-86. 87. My friends.-88, Incessantly.-89, 90. Circumspection indeed, but with. 91. An.-92, Connection.-93, In.-94. To observe.-95, Neither of two.-96. 97. To throw our weight into the opposite scale.-98, Our.-99, Intimate connections.-100. Pre-existing.-101, For I hold it to be as true in public, as in private transactions.-102. 103. Those must.-104, Occasional. 105, At.-106. (And from men disagreeing in their impressions of the origin, progress, and nature of that war.)-107, Some of them of a delicate nature would be improperly the subject of explanation.-108. 109. The considerations which respect the right to hold this conduct, some of them of a delicate nature, would be improperly the subject of explanation on this occasion. I will

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