Oberon into the English language. The publication of this work, which at one time was designed, was superseded by the appearance of a similar translation by Sotheby.

In the summer of 1800, Mr. Adams made a tour through Silesia. He was charmed with the inhabitants of that region, their condition and habits. In many respects he found them bearing a great similarity to the people of his own native New England. He communicated his impressions during this excursion, in a series of letters to a younger brother in Philadelphia. These letters were interesting, and were considered of great value at that time, in consequence of many important facts they contained in regard to the manufacturing establishments of Silesia. They were published, without Mr. Adams's knowledge, in the Port Folio, a weekly paper edited by Joseph Dennie, at Philadelphia. The series was afterwards collected and published in a volume, in London, and has been translated into German and French, and extensively circulated on the continent.

Among other labors while at Berlin, Mr. Adams succeeded in forming a treaty of amity and commerce with the Prussian government. The protracted correspondence with the Prussian commissioners, which resulted in this treaty, involving as it did the rights of neutral commerce, was conducted with consummate ability on the part of Mr. Adams, and received the fullest sanction of the government at home.

Mr. Adams' missions at the Hague and at Berlin, constituted his first step in the intricate paths of diplomacy. They were accomplished amid the momentous events which convulsed all Europe, at the close of the eighteenth century. Republican France, exasperated at the machinations of the Allied Sovereigns to destroy its liberties, so recently obtained, was pushing its armies abroad, determined, in self-defence, to kindle the flames of revolution in every kingdom on the continent. Great Britain, combined with Austria and other European powers, was using every effort to crush the French democracy, and remove from before the eyes of down-trodden millions, an example so dangerous to monarchical institutions. The star of Napoleon had commenced its ascent, with a suddenness and brightness which startled the imbecile occupants of old thrones. His legions had rushed down from the Alps upon the sunny plains of Italy, and with the swoop of an eagle, had demolished towns, cities, kingdoms.

Amid this conflict of nations, the commerce and navigation of the United States, a neutral power, were made a common object of prey to all. Great Britain and France especially, did not hesitate to make depredations, at once the most injurious and irritating. Our ships were captured, our rights disregarded. In the midst of these scenes, surrounded by difficulties and embarrassments on every hand, the youthful ambassador was compelled to come into collision with the veteran and wily politicians of the old world. How well

he maintained the dignity and honor of his government-how sleepless the vigilance with which he watched the movements on the vast field of political strife-how prompt to protest against all encroachments-how skilful in conducting negotiations-and how active to promote the interests of the Union, wherever his influence could be felt-the archives of our country will abundantly testify. It was a fitting and promising commencement of a long public career which has been full of usefulness and of honor.

The administration of John Adams, as President of the United States, was characterized by great prudence and moderation, considering the excited state of the times. There cannot be a doubt he was anxious to copy the worthy example of his illustrious predecessor, in administering the government on principles of strict impartiality, for the good of the whole people, without respect to conflicting parties. Immediately on his inauguration, he had an interview with Mr. Jefferson, then Vice-President, and proposed the adoption of steps that would have a tendency to quell the spirit of faction which pervaded the country. That Mr. Jefferson, on his part, cherished a profound respect for Mr. Adams, his old co-laborer in the cause of American freedom, is evident from his letters and speeches of that day. In his speech on taking the chair of the Senate, as Vice-President, he expressed himself in the following terms :—

"I might here proceed, and with the greatest truth, to declare my zealous attachment to the Constitution of the United States; that I consider the union of these States as the first of blessings; and as the first of duties the preservation of that Constitution which secures it; but I suppose these declarations not pertinent to the occasion of entering into an office, whose primary business is merely to preside over the forms of this House; and no one more sincerely prays that no accident may call me to the higher and more important functions, which the Constitution eventually devolves on this office. These have been justly confided to the eminent character which has preceded me here, whose talents and integrity have been known and revered by me, through a long course of years; have been the foundation of a cordial and uninterrupted friendship between us; and I devoutly pray he may be long preserved for the government, the happiness and the prosperity of our common country."

The sincere attempts of President Adams to produce harmony of political action among the American people, were unavailing. The extraordinary events transpiring in Europe, exerted an influence on domestic politics, which could not be neutralized. "The enemies of France"-" the friends of England," or vice versa, were cries which convulsed the nation to its centre. The entire population was sundered into contending parties.

John Adams was a true republican. His political opponents charged him with monarchical tendencies and aspirations, but charged him most falsely. His life, devoted unreservedly to the service of his country, through all its dark and perilous journey to the achievement of its independence-his public speeches and documents-his private letters, written to his bosom companion, with no expectation that the eye of any

other would ever rest upon them—all testify his ardent devotion to the principles of republicanism. At the breaking out of the French Revolution, he yielded it his hearty support, and did not withdraw his countenance, until compelled, by the scenes of anarchy and of carnage which soon ensued, to turn away with horror and raise his voice against proceedings of savage ferocity. But while condemning the excesses of the French revolutionists, he was no friend of Great Britain. This is made evident by a multitude of facts. Read, for instance, the following extract from a letter, not written for public effect, addressed to his wife, dated Philadelphia, April 9, 1796 :—

“I have read ‘the minister's' dispatches from London. The King could not help discovering his old ill humor. The mad idiot will never recover. Blunderer by nature, accidents are all against him. Every measure of his reign has been wrong. It seems they don't like Pinckney. They think he is no friend to that country, and too much of a French Jacobin. They wanted to work up some idea or other of introducing another in his place, but our young politician* saw into them too deeply to be duped. At his last visit to Court, the King passed him without speaking to him, which, you know, will be remarked by courtiers of all nations. I am glad of it; for I would not have my son go so far as Mr. Jay, and affirm the friendly disposition of that country to this. I know better. I know their jealousy, envy, hatred, and revenge, covered under pretended contempt."

While President Adams cherished no partialities for Great Britain, and had no desire to promote her especial interest, he was compelled by the force of circum

* J. Q. Adams,