Sclavonic races, have not only undergone one, but, a multitude of transformations during this period. Yet, amidst all these national vicissitudes,-amidst all these downfalls of dynasties, dogmas, sects and systems,-China has held the even tenor of her way, scarcely modified by the Tartar conquest, and true to the morals which were taught by her deified sage in the dawn of her civilization.

There is something unspeakably grand in this permanence. It conveys a lesson of development and economy from which, even the sages of the West, may, perhaps, derive instruction. When we become more familar with the Chinese institutions, by improved channels of intercourse and a more intimate acquaintance with the national language and literature, we may, probably, be enabled to appreciate fully the causes of this singular condition of things. But, until then, we must content ourselves with the glimpses of this magnificent Empire, which the works of travellers, antiquarians and philologists at present afford us.

B. M.

ART. II.-The Miscellaneous Works and Remains of the REV. ROBERT HALL, with a Memoir of his Life, by OLINTHUS GREGORY, L.L.D.; and a Critical Estimate of his Character and Writings, by JOHN FOSTER. London. 1946.

THE permanent interest felt in the character and eloquence of Robert Hall, is a satisfactory proof of his extraordinary merits as a man of intellect. So large a proportion of the popularity of great men is derived from accidental circumstances, that it is really refreshing to turn from such transient distinctions to those instances of true worth, which, on the foundation of principle, inherit immortality. There was little in the fame of Robert Hall, while he lived, that resulted from fortunate coincidences. Had he been a minister of the Established Church of his country, he would doubtless have enjoyed its preferments and reaped the honors awarded to superior talents. Associated all his life with nonconformists, he not only had to overcome the usual

difficulties in the way of advancement to exalted distinction, but he had also to surmount the barriers, which, in England, are raised by party-prejudice and state-patronage against all who are identified with the dissenters. Amid these formidable obstacles, he made his way to the first rank of pulpitgreatness. His position remains unchanged. Now, that death has put him beyond the reach of earthly mutation, we may safely say, that his pretensions are not likely to be assailed.

The principles which constitute dissent in England, are principles which are calculated to quicken intellect and excite genius. Its advocates have had a long and severe conflict with the supporters of oppressive institutions. Its measures have sprung from the spirit of progressive liberty. Its doctrines have been drawn from the nature of man and the adaptation of Christianity to his condition; they have been dictated by the necessities of civilization; and consequently, they have appealed to whatever is noble in the constitution of humanity, and to all that is significant in the tokens of Providence. Such principles are obviously fitted to awaken profound thought and generous enthusiasm. Whoever resigns himself to them in the strong love of a devoted heart, can retain no sympathy with low and selfish objects, but he must enter on a sphere, where, in the blended communion of patriotism, philanthropy and piety, he may feel his strongest powers taxed to render appropriate service to so worthy a cause. The history of dissenters in England exemplifies the correctness of these observations. Among them have been found the most eminent advocates of freedom and the most zealous promoters of social progress. The peculiarities of their doctrines have preserved them from that blind adherence to antiquated institutions and hereditary usages, which is often so inimical to national improvement; and at the same time, secured them a standing-point from which they could readily move forward in furtherance of important measures. We need only allude to the names of Baxter, Bunyan, Watts, Doddridge, Priestly, Hall and Foster, in illustration of the rare talents and rarer virtues, that have characterized the dissenting community of England. The organization and operation of such a party must be regarded as a fortunate thing for the welfare of that nation, for in its absence, power and prerogative

would have been more firmly and safely enthroned above the reach of the people.

Various points of controversial interest have arisen during the existence of dissent in England, but all of them have proceeded from those avowed principles which constitute the creeds of antagonistic parties. The same leading sentiments have been incorporated into every collision and struggle. Whether the opposing elements have been excited by Laud or Whitgift; whether Uniformity or Test acts; whether reform or education bills, have drawn out the combatants, the main issues have been associated in their bearing upon civil and religious liberty, differing only in the degrees of that relation. If the dogma of Apostolical Succession-a dogma that appears to have had but little attraction for the original reformers, and which has been upheld for reasous as changeable as the times and circumstances of its supporters-seems to be an exception to the above remark, we have but to say, that its philosophy involves, in its forms and applications, the same rudimental doctrines of freedom and progress which have so widely separated the great parties of England. Antiquity, tradition, and stronglyconsolidated authority, have been the prominent features of that policy which has been destined to such ceaseless warfare. Of the wonderful power of genius, of the vast resources of learning, of all the subsidiary instruments of tremendous agitation, that have been put into requisition and employed with so much tact and skill during the history of this eventful struggle, we need not now speak. Sufficient for our purpose is the indubitable fact, that no conflict of mind, upon the arena of politics and religion, has ever developed talent, wit and erudition in any way comparable to it. If the polemical literature of England were to suffer an oblivion of this department of its treasures, the choicest specimens of historical investigation and sublime eloquence. would perish with it. It was here that Milton showed the greatness of a mind, alike capable of realizing and expressing the magnificence of poetry and the logic and depth of prose. It was here that Chillingworth, Hooker and King displayed a profundity that has furnished succeeding writers with so large portion of those materials which they have used in this engrossing discussion. Such a controversy could only have occurred under peculiar circumstances. Serious evils are doubtless connected with a union

of church and state, but nevertheless, we are at least indebted to it for the most valuable efforts that have ever been made in behalf of human rights. The relation of civil and religious liberty to each other, the plans of Providence for the advancement of our race in knowledge, virtue and power, the true position of man in the midst of the wonders of creation and redemption, the inviolable sanctity of certain paramount principles and the sure defeat of all opposing elements, no matter by what name called or by what energies sustained, have all been brought under review and examination in consequence of this artificial and pernicious association. The adverse influences have frequently been overruled for good, and truth has shone out from the gloom that threatened to obscure its splendors. We consider the position of these two prominent interests of England as having contributed, more than all other causes, to the development of the cardinal doctrines of Christian politics and to the preparation of society for acknowledging and obeying them, No man can deny the bearing of these questions on our own revolution, and our deep obligations to English writers for some of the distinguishing features of our wise and happy polity. The main benefit of this long protracted conflict has been to divert the intelligent mind of progressive states into useful channels of thought, and to afford invaluable hints for prudent statesmen to elaborate and apply. If England and America be excepted, how much has the world yet accomplished as to the real conception and just embodiment of Christian freedom? Let it be thankfully admitted, that other nations have reared eloquent defenders of the rights of man, but it is yet a painful fact, that the most of them have treated the subject more in its earthly aspects and conventional arrangements, than in the light of divine revelation and eternal wisdom. It is the spirit of religion that confers such inestimable grandeur on humanity, that places it apart from human interference in the essential laws of its condition, and allies it with whatever is awful and affecting in the sovereignty of Jehovah. The sublime mysteries of redemption consecrate it; and ere a profane hand can assail its divinely-granted gifts, that hand must be lifted against the Redeemer of mankind. If the political principles of Christianity are not formally reduced to system in the New Testament, they are nevertheless presented in so clear and tangible a manner as to impress their authority

upon us. The fundamental facts are interwoven with all its announcements. However wide the scope through which its higher disclosures lead the intellect, it is not at the expense of earthly interests. The glories of immortality are never permitted to obscure the present welfare of mankind, for Christianity constantly aims at unity in its operations and seeks to render our worldly condition a type of heaven. Its sentiments, plans and objects are harmonious and uniform, whether they have respect to time or eternity. The seal of its divinity is equally apparent in each connection. If, as we realize its declarations of future exaltation, its promises of moral blessedness and social communion in the midst of angelic circles and before the throne of Jehovah, we feel its heavenly spirit, and rest assured that such language could only have proceeded from the supreme source of all truth and knowledge, we experience no disturbance. of these impressions when we retire from scenes so magnificent, and hold converse with it on the humbler ground of temporal happiness. A provision is thus made for divine. guidance in all our social organizations; and hence, civilization, if properly received, may proceed in its various stages of improvement, under the sanction and support of immutable and perfect wisdom. We have to regret that the political doctrines of Christianity are so feebly appreciated, but yet, we may rejoice that so much has been effected, especially by the literature of English dissenters, to place them before the notice of the world.

A knowledge of this great political and spiritual controversy is necessary to understand and estimate the position of Robert Hall among the leading men of his age and country. Contemplating Christianity as a restorative system, and cherishing full confidence in its ability to remedy the serious evils of our present condition, he advocated such political measures as seemed to his discerning mind to be calculated to carry out the purposes of Providence in the bestowment of this mighty influence. His discussions of these subjects are marked by all those attributes of intellect for which he was so justly distinguished. If, in our day, they have not the charm of novelty, it should be remembered that sentiments, which are now as current as every-day axioms, had then to be established by argument and confirmed by illustration. The lapse of twenty-five years has relieved the liberal statesman of the necessity of proving