to live; that slavery, which cannot find an asylum in any neighboring country, all of which are free, or about becoming so, will it not end in breaking its bonds? Do we not perceive, that slavery seeks an escape from that fatal circle? The losses of fugitive slaves, and the thousand acts of emancipation in Virginia, (which it was necessary to restrain)—are they not evidences of an increasing disorder? The struggle, will it not be a struggle for life-a struggle of extermination? Have not the black kingdoms of the Antilles, been provided expressly to offer a refuge to the proscribed race, and to spare to the whites, at once, dangers and crimes?" We do not share in these very sombre views, though we confess those that we take of the future, are not very distinct, nor do they bring to us a large share of satisfaction. We do not resist the conclusion, that the Southern States are environed by difficulties of a trying character, and that the counsels of cool, dispassionate and circumspect statesmen, are needful for their removal. We agree with Mr. Calhoun, that the connection of the Southern States, with the party contests and their use of the party machinery of the times, have impaired their influence, and we think, have greatly diminished the respectability of their public men. We seriously hope, that these connections are in a manner dissolved. Conventions for nominating presidents and fabricating party catch words, have fallen so low, as to fatigue the public contempt. The politicians must invent another form of imposition. These have served their time. We trust that the Southern States, will find that their true policy is to cherish worth and to exalt to office, men of independence and knowledge, and not to find tools for the administration or opposition. We do not, indeed, consider that the most judicious course of conduct in this respect, would remove our embarrassments. They are greatly increased by the demagogues, but not occasioned by them. Of the demagogue now, as it was more than two thousand years ago, it may be said :— "Coward he is at heart, And only wears a show of bravery When his false sickle reaps another's harvest: We regard the agitation as having a further origin and a wider spread than in party contests, or merely political influences, and we consider that we must combat it with more cogent weapons than the elective franchise. These consist in exploring the foundations of these institutions and finding that their base is right. Mr. Calhoun, in one of his reports, asserts that "while the European race has rapidly increased in wealth and numbers, and at the same time has maintained an equality, at least morally and intellectually, with their brethren of the non-slaveholding States, the (African) race has multiplied with not less rapidity, accompanied by great improvement physically and intellectually, and a degree of comfort which the laboring class in few other countries enjoy, and confessedly superior to what the free people of the same race possess in the nonslaveholding States." When he declares "there is no example in history in which a savage people, such as their ancestors were when brought to this country, have ever advanced in the same period so rapidly in numbers and improvement," he discovers the true foundation on which this institution must repose. We have expressed, in plain and distinct terms, that the relation between the masters and their slaves must continue. That relation is subject to the regulation of the State, for we say that it is a political relation, "under which the two races may and do live together in peace and prosperity." When we establish such results as Mr. Calhoun enumerates, to follow from the institution, we vindicate it from the aspersion of the French Commission. The institution is furnished with the most incontestible proofs of its legitimacy. The experiments in the islands of the West Indies, by the different European powers, fully prove that the negro race is susceptible of great improvement, and thrives by liberal and indulgent treatment. Our own experience confirms the same fact, and we believe the intercourse between the master and slave in the Southern States is in general that of kindness and good will. Some of the codes of the States, however, do not bear that expression, and we think that a general mitigation of the punishments for crime might be effected without inipairing the efficacy of the punishment. Some of the provisions of the codes are the remnants of British colonial legislation, and others have been introduced under circumstances of excitement. They remain without execution and serve only as arguments of reproach. A more important alteration of our laws consists in the extension to the slaves of a protection to their domestic relations. The connections of husband and wife, and of parent and child, are sacred in a Christian community, and should be rendered secure by the laws of a Christian State. The Church, centuries before the abolition of personal slavery, restrained by personal censures the power of masters to separate husbands and wives. Louis XIV, in the blac code for the colonies, introduced provisions for the same object. The Southern Churches require their members. (slaves) to form permanent connections. There is an obvious propriety in placing them under the protection of the laws. A reform scarcely less important, consists in rendering the relation of master and slave more permanent. It is now liable to be disturbed in every change that occurs in the pecuniary condition of the master. The liability of the slave to change his relation on the bankruptcy of his master, and the frequency with which it occurs, has greatly deteriorated their character and deprived the relation of some of its patriarchal nature. The condition of families should be permanent. Those domestic ties which contribute so much to the happiness of the members, should not be severed at the pursuit of a creditor. The great end of society, the well-being of its members, would surely be promoted by withdrawing slaves in some measure from the market, as a basis of credit. In reference to this same subject, we may point to the necessity of a greater diversity of employments among the slave population, and a consequent increase of their mental cultivation; to the prodigious increase of their numbers, and the necessity for more abundant supplies of moral and religions instruction. We sum the whole of our duties, in adverting to the fact that our systems were formed when the blacks were fresh from their native Africa, with gross appetites and brutal habits; that their numbers were in comparison trifling; and that they were considered with simple reference to their relations with their masters. They form now a large and continually growing community, within this century they will number 10,000,000. We must not expect that the regulations which suited their first condition can continue or will be appropriate. A statesman could fulfil no task VOL. XII.-NO. 23. 12 more useful than that of adapting our laws to the varying wants of our society. We know of no responsibility more sacred than that which devolves upon the directing minds of our Southern States, of maintaining sound principles on this subject. We ought not to ally ourselves with the worn out maxims of other ages, but maintain steadily and systematically the ascendancy of those principles of progress and amelioration which are the vital essence in the growth of a well organized society. We have adverted with freedom to the duties incumbent upon the Southern people. We may be allowed a few words upon their rights. The rapid growth of the negro population of the Southern States, is one of the most important and striking circumstances in their condition and in our connections with them. We cannot afford to be the subjects. of experiment. The masters of these millions,-considered alone in their capacity as guardians,-must not yield the destinies of this people to the enterprises even of well meaning projectors ;-much less to visionary and unreasoning fanatics;-and least of all, to politicians not responsible to themselves. We must maintain our ascendancy and control over this institution, without stint or diminution. We must not suffer ourselves to be depreciated or degraded in consequence of it. It must form the ground of no debasing condition-no disparaging term of association. We must look our calumniators proudly in the face, and maintain without abasement our equal rank in the organization of the State. If we submit to take a lower place than that which the Constitution assigns us, we must expect that the future control of this institution will fall from our hands into those of its enemies and our own. ART. V. THE VALLEY OF THE AMAZON. 1. A Voyage up the River Amazon, including a Residence at Pará. By WILLIAM H. EDWARDS. New-York: D. Appleton & Co. 1847. 2. Sketches of Residence and Travels in Brazil, embracing Historical and Geographical Notices of the Empire and its several Provinces. By DANIEL P. KIDDER. Philadelphia: Sorin & Ball. 1945. NEXT to the United States, the Empire of Brazil, is the grandest political feature of the Western World. Much greater in extent than our own country; with a soil of greater and more universal fertility and a climate of less extremes; with mines of gold and diamonds sown through its provinces, with a profusion scarcely less magnificent than its wealth of vegetable productions; with nearly three thousand miles of sea-coast, indented with many beautiful and safe harbors, and with a great river valley embracing one-half of its whole vast territory, intersected in every direction by navigable streams, all uniting in a common embouchure into the ocean,-it would seem that nature had designed this favored country to be the seat of an empire greater than the sun has ever yet shone upon. How such a result is to be realized, can only now be vaguely conjectured. But the mere possibility of it, gives to every ray of light falling upon its condition, an interest by no means to be measured by the present political power and respectability of the Brazilian government, or the intelligence and social advancement of the people. The structure of the government is with some a ground of hope and with others of distrust, as to its influence on the destinies of the country. As a monarchy it has courted and received a share of the attentions and respect of the nations of Europe, that has been accorded to none of the other powers of America, save only the United States, whose great actual strength and astonishing advance have extorted the respect, by awakening the fears, of the kings of the earth. Brazil from the moment of its independence, has been cordially received into the diplomatic circle of Europe, and all that good will and general recognition could do to give stability to its government, has been done. She has even had her disputes and misunderstandings with the great powers |