Mr. EDWARDS. The gentleman from Wisconsin, Mr. Sensenbren

ner.

Mr. SENSENBRENNER. Thank you very much, Mr. Chairman.

I have a 100 percent pro-life voting record in this Congress, and I'm proud of it. In previous hearings concerning abortion clinic bombings, I have condemned such illegal acts and continue to do so. Yet, as the subcommittee embarks on the so-called "bogus clinic issue," I have not heard you, nor for that matter any of my Democratic colleagues on the subcommittee, condemn the illegal activities of abortion clinics.

For example, I have not heard a word about the Hillcrest Women's Surgery Center here in the District that was permitted to operate without a license for eight years. I have not heard a word about the clinics that call themselves women's health centers which, in reality, sterilize and traumatize women.

Mr. Chairman, you speak passionately against violence and racism, but why are you silent about Dr. Edward Allred, purportedly one of the Nation's leading abortionists? According to Hispanics for Social Justice in testimony before the Select Committee on Children, Youth, and Families, two Hispanic mothers died from legal abortions in the mill of Dr. Allred. Allred told the San Diego Union on October 12, 1980, that his motivation for committing abortion is "to stem the tide of Hispanics who come across the border."

I understand that this hearing may lead to legislation to curtail activities of clinics that are alternatives to abortion mills. It would be a shame to have the Federal Government dictate the activities of alternative clinics based upon a handful of allegations against a few clinics.

In general, the alternative care centers have helped many young women, and their effectiveness is documented in the fairly balanced article in the March 10, 1986, Wall Street Journal. This article was curiously excluded from the subcommittee information packet about alternative clinics. I ask unanimous consent that the article be inserted into the record.

Mr. EDWARDS. Without objection, so ordered. [The article follows:]

[From the Wall Street Journal]

SPECIAL DELIVERIES: ANTI-ABORTION FORCES, IN A CHANGE OF TACTICS, OFFER ALTERNATIVE CARE

(By Alix M. Freedman)

LYNCHBURG, VA.-Above Kelly Corson's bed hangs a poster of a bare-torsoed male model. Her dresser is littered with makeup. This looks like any teen-ager's room, but it isn't her own. She will stay here at the Rev. Jerry Falwell's Christian maternity home until April, when she delivers her baby.

"My mom is very posh-she has an image to keep up-and my dad is a church deacon," explains the unwed 17-year-old. "I couldn't live with abortion, so this is an alternative."

Mr. Falwell and other abortion foes have developed new, more sophisticated tactics for reaching women facing unwanted pregnancies. Frustration over the sustained level of abortions and legislative setbacks made them conclude that lobbying and picketing weren't enough. They refute critics who accused them of providing

CURSING THE DARKNESS

"I realized that while we were cursing the darkness, we were lighting very few candles, we were lighting very few candles," acknowledges Mr. Falwell, explaining his decision in 1982 to found the Save-A-Baby program based here. "I saw we had to conduct a massive education campaign about what abortion is and to provide without cost an unlimited alternative to women.'

Some nonsectarian groups, too, are finding and intercepting women before they obtain abortions, but the evangelical-Christian groups are particularly aggressive at it. Their goal: to make alternatives so available that the Supreme Court, in their view, would have no choice but to overturn the 1973 Roe vs. Wade decision that entitles women to legal abortions.

Critics charge, however, that many of these groups induce guilt in young women to ensure that their babies are born-and that the women are born-again. "The extent to which they go is frankly frightening," says Alfred F. Moran, the executive director of Planned Parenthood of New York City Inc. "The prime victims are young people."

HOT LINES AND TESTS

Major organizations use a kind of franchising approach to spread their message. The Catholic-oriented Pearson Foundation in St. Louis, the Christian Action Council in Washington, D.C., and Save-A-Baby (recently renamed Liberty Godparents) help train other churches and community groups around the nation.

The fruits of their work include pregnancy hot lines, "pregnancy centers" offering free pregnancy tests and, less widespread, maternity homes and adoption agencies. At the grass roots, some families shelter pregnant girls who have nowhere to turn. Others convert home phones into counseling hot lines.

According to a survey by Intercessors for America, a Christian prayer group, about 2,000 anti-abortion pregnancy centers are operating around the country. The Christian Action Council, the largest Protestant anti-abortion group, will sponsor 200 new centers this year, bringing its total to 440. Mr. Falwell wants to have 10,000 churches taking part in his program by the end of the decade. (He now has more than 260.) Says Intercessors' director, Gary Bergel: "We are digging in and multiplying."

EFFECTIVENESS CLAIMED

The anti-abortion forces say these programs are saving the lives of many children. Mr. Falwell, the Baptist TV evangelist best known as the founder of the Moral Majority, says that 22,000 women have called his pregnancy hot line since 1982 and that only 1% of them subsequently got abortions. The Rev. Wales A. Goebel, the founder of the Sav-a-Life program in Birmingham, Ala., estimates that his success rate in face-to-face counseling is almost 99%. The Christian Action Council claims 80%.

Such activists take credit for the fewer abortions now performed. According to Planned Parenthood's Alan Guttmacher Institute in New York, the number of abortions peaked at 1.58 million in 1982, declining to 1.51 million in 1984, the latest year for which statistics are available.

Nevertheless, opponents complain that the providers of alternatives exploit pregnant women's fears. "What they are doing is using moral propaganda on vulnerable young women," says Kate M. Michaelman, the executive director of the National Abortion Rights Action League, which closely monitors the anti-abortion movement's activities. "The new activists are trying to make abortions impossible for women to even consider as an alternative."

Women who call the nonsectarian Pregnancy Testing Clinic in Philadelphia hear a recorded message of emotionally charged words. "Early abortion inflicts great pain and suffering on your helpless baby," the taped voice says. "Late abortion involves injecting a burning salt solution into your baby's sac and the baby is born dead right in your bed."

At the Falwell pregnancy hotline, a caller says she is six weeks pregnant and is thinking about abortion. "They will use what looks like a vacuum-20 times more powerful than a vacuum cleaner in your home-to suck your baby into a jar," warns a volunteer manning the phone." (Many doctors reject this description of the power of a suction abortion.) Later, a volunteer tells another pregnant caller named Ruth: "If you truly are a Christian, you haven't lost your salvation."

The proselytizing bent of certain groups has raised charges among critics of "coer

"Some groups believe that the girl needs to be saved-that she has been living in sin," acknowledges Louise M. Summerhill, the president of Birthright Inc., a longstanding nonsectarian alternatives organization. Mr. Falwell says that no young woman in his maternity home has failed "to accept Christ" by the time she leaves.

ONE WOMAN'S ROAD

When Kelly Corson became pregnant last summer, her mother wanted her to have an abortion. That way, she could attend her high-school prom. She wouldn't have had to tell her father. The teen-ager had serious doubts but scheduled the operation anyway.

On the appointed day, she went to the doctor. There, seated in his office, she began to cry. Things got worse in the operating room. The doctor-smoking a cigarette and listening to country music, Miss Corson say-was about to begin the procedure when she screamed. "Don't do it!" Later, after her mother kicked her out of the house, her father contacted the Falwell ministry.

If there is pressure to become born-again at the maternity home here in Lynchburg, Miss Corson hasn't succumbed to it. "The house parents say I'm a bad influence because I haven't been saved," she says. As a result, she hasn't been allowed to room with her close friends or to help teach a Sunday-school class of toddlers. Miss Corson points to her bath towels, which bear a JF (Jerry Falwell) monogram, and adds:

"Religion is a constant thing. You eat it. You breath it. You sleep with it." Residents attend Mr. Falwell's Thomas Road Baptist Church three times a week, have devotions every night and study the Bible as part of their daily school curriculum.

GOD THIS OR GOD THAT

Tina, a 17-year-old from Mobile, Ala., who now considers herself born-again, recalls that her early impressions of Sav-a-Life's Lifeline Village maternity home in Birmingham were that "everything was God this or God that; I just wanted to go to my room to sleep for the rest of the day." Lifeline Village shelters 30 to 40 young women a month and will open a second group home shortly. Sav-a-Life says it has placed more than 130 babies through its adoption agency.

Because the services for women are typically provided free, the alternatives movement depends heavily on contributions from like-minded people. The Christian Action Council's Alpha Pregnancy Services in Philadelphia, for example, solicits at baby showers. Mr. Falwell's supporters "invest" $400 to become honorary "Liberty Godparents." He says he also relies on voluntary contributions from the parents of the young women he shelters and charges the adoptive parents who get babies through his agency a fee of up to $7,000.

Some of the most controversial methods are practiced by the pregnancy centers. By offering free pregnancy tests, anti-abortion centers try to compete with-and sometimes are mistaken for-abortion clinics. The outcome, both camps agree, is that many women seeking abortions wind up where they didn't intend to. For example, the Christian-run Problem Pregnancy Center of Worcester, Mass., set up shop in the same building and on the same floor as a Planned Parenthood office. Then the anti-abortion organization hung a sign on its door that said "PP Inc."

Texas recently intervened on behalf of women who brought suit for deceptive advertising against Mother and Unborn Baby Care of North Texas Inc. The center, affiliated with the Pearson Foundation, allegedly told phone callers that it performed abortions when it doesn't. The case is pending.

CONFUSION DEFENDED

Anti-abortion forces don't try to dispel any confusion. They argue that misleading women who are "abortion risks" is justifiable. "The obvious counter to saying women are being obtained under false pretenses is that they are being aborted under false pretenses too," says John C. Wilke, the president of the National Right to Life Committee. "In an abortion clinic, women aren't given information on alternatives."

In fact, many women are grateful for another choice. At the Falwell maternity home here, for example, there is a two-month waiting list. All minors come to the 18-occupant home after they or their parents make initial contact with the Falwell pregnancy hot line. (Girls who are imminent "abortion risks" have the best chance at moving to the front of the line.) In addition, more than a dozen adult women are assigned to live in "shepherding homes"-individual Christian families in the community-but with access to the maternity home's counseling services.

The Falwell residence is strict. Teenagers may listen only to gospel music. Cosmopolitian magazine is forbidden. The television show "Kate & Allie" is banned because the divorce female protagonists share the same apartment and raise their children together.

Dating and sexual activity are prohibited. Above 17-year-old Eydee's bed hangs a list provided by the staff entitled "Nine Facts About Pre-Maritial Sex." Among them: "Those who have pre-maritial sex tend to have less happy marriages."

"This place is closed in-you don't have too much freedom," says Tammy, another resident. "But freedom is what got us here in the first place.'

Young women, who are often ostracized by peers or family, frequently find strength in the caring approach stressed by Christian homes. Last year, Kymberly K. Donoho, 17, of Baton Rouge, La., traveled to Charlotte, N.C., to stay at Heritage House, founded 19 months ago by Jim Bakker of television's PTL Club.

"The people were super-nice and loving," Ms. Donoho recalls. "The help I received and the love that was shown to me had a 100% effect on my life."

While some women complain of subtle pressure to put up their babies for adoption, all agree that the final choice is theirs alone. Through Mr. Falwell's state-licensed and state-inspected adoption agency, an estimated 50% of the minors place their babies for adoption, far above the national average. At Heritage House, which also operates its own adoption agency, the figure is 70%.

The dominant experience of these young women involves what they describe as drawing close to God. As a result, their lives sometimes change dramatically.

When Jennifer L. McCloud, now 19, graduated from high school, she took a summer job in a delicatessen in her home town of Columbus, Ga. She says she was intimate "with more than one" boyfriend and became pregnant later that summer. "It was a really bad time in my life," she recalls. "Part of it was rebelling against my parents' discipline. And I was running from God."

At first, she planned to leave home and raise her baby in New York. Finally, however, she decided that that was unrealistic and she agreed to go to the Falwell home. Ms. McCloud, who now is a sophomore at Mr. Falwell's Liberty University, says she got "saved" as soon as the arrived. "I said, 'OK, God, this is it.""

Mr. SENSENBRENNER. It is not simply that I am troubled that the second part of this hearing focuses on the wrong source of violence in maiming perpetrated against pregnant women in this country; I am disturbed about this hearing in several respects.

First, I think it raises questions of propriety and objectivity to have parties discussing cases that are in active litigation. I am happy to see the pro-life parties in these cases are not participating in such questionable conduct.

Second, the structure of this hearing is questionable. Why include a new and controversial topic of alternative care centers in this hearing about clinic bombings? It suggests that the subcommittee is trying to taint the alternative care movement with the unrelated and hedonist acts of bombing. It suggests by assuming two topics at one hearing the subcommittee is not interested in full and fair disclosure of all facts but in ramrodding as much testimony as we can in one sitting. It suggests that the hearing is more concerned with compelling judgment rather than informing the public. Third, the timing is questionable. The last hearing on clinic bombings was on April 3, 1985. Mr. Chairman, you've had well over a year to schedule these hearings. Why have them a few days before Christmas?

Fourth, I am troubled by the unusual interest in pro-life witnesses. Mr. Chairman, you had no such interest about pro-life witnesses in our August 1986 hearing on title IX discrimination. Indeed, the accusers of discrimination were invited to and testified at that hearing, but there was no attempt to even invite the col

I take the attempts by your staff to get complainants against certain anti-abortion clinics as well as operators of those clinics at this hearing as an indirect admission that the August hearing was not balanced. I hope the intent to get pro-life witnesses at this hearing was not to embarrass these presumably good and decent people. I hope your interest in getting pro-life witnesses for the hearing is a sign that despite our policy differences we can work together to have full and fair hearings on important issues.

Abortion and its connected issues deserve a healthy discussion in an atmosphere of civility and not one that is emotionally charged or philosophically slanted.

I understand the Republican counsel has made a request to your counsel for further hearings on alternative care centers, and I ask you now, Mr. Chairman, to commit yourself to hold these hearings to advance public knowledge and to avoid another request for a minority day of hearings, pursuant to the rule.

Mr. EDWARDS. Does the gentleman have any more complaints? Mr. SENSENBRENNER. Mr. Chairman, it's been such a long time since you've had a hearing that I've been kind of accumulating them for the record.

Mr. EDWARDS. We're now going to hear from Daniel M. Hartnett, deputy associate director of the Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco and Firearms, Charles Clausen, chief inspector, United States Postal Inspection Service, and Jack Swagerty from the U.S. Postal Service. Gentlemen, we welcome you, and you may proceed.

STATEMENTS OF DANIEL M. HARTNETT, DEPUTY ASSOCIATE DIRECTOR, OFFICE OF LAW ENFORCEMENT, BUREAU OF ALCOHOL, TOBACCO AND FIREARMS; AND JACK E. SWAGERTY, ASSISTANT CHIEF POSTAL INSPECTOR, CRIMINAL INVESTIGATIONS, U.S. POSTAL INSPECTION SERVICE

STATEMENT OF DANIEL M. HARTNETT

Mr. HARTNETT. Mr. Chairman, I have a brief statement; I'd like to read it into the record.

Mr. EDWARDS. Without objection.

Mr. HARTNETT. Thank you.

Chairman Edwards, members of the subcommittee, it is a privilege to appear before the subcommittee to discuss the role of the Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco and Firearms in investigating violence directed against abortion clinics. ATF is the agency responsible for enforcement of the Federal arson and explosive laws, and we have had primary responsibility for investigating arsons and bombings of abortion clinics.

Since 1982, ATF has investigated 51 bombings or arsons involving abortion clinics. If you look at the map we have prepared for you today, you will see that no region of the country has been spared the violence. Of these 51 incidents, 27 have been solved with 18 people arrested and 14 convicted thus far. Those convicted have received lengthy prison sentences ranging up to 20 years.

The number of bombing or arson incidents involving abortion clinics has dramatically decreased from a high of 25 in 1984 to 11 in 1985 and 9 in 1986. We believe that this decrease is primarily