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Holyoake; but he declines to pledge his historical reputation to the fact. The name was caught up at once, and the party were universally known as the Jingoes. The famous abjuration of the lady in the “ Vicar of Wakefie.j” had proved to be too prophetical. She had sworn by the liv. ing Jingo;" and now indeed the Jingo was alive.

The Government ordered the Mediterranean fleet to pass the Dardanelles and go up to Constantinople. The Chancellor of the Exchequer announced that he would ask for a supplementary estimate of six millions for naval and military purposes. Thereupon Lord Carnarvon, the Colonial Secretary, at once resigned. He had been anxious to get out of the Ministry before, but Lord Beaconsfield induced him to remain. He disapproved now so strongly of the dispatch of the feet to Constantinople and the supplementary vote, that he would not any longer defer his resignation. Lord Derby was also anxious to resign, and indeed tendered his resignation, but he was prevailed upon to withdraw it. The fleet meanwhile was ordered back from the Dardanelles to Besika Bay. It had got as far as the opening of the Straits when it was recalled. The Liberal opposition in the House of Commons kept on protesting against the various war measures of the Government, but with little effect. The majority of the Government kept on increasing. The strength of that majority did not lie in mere Jingoism. There can be no doubt that a great many members of the House of Com. mons voted with Lord Beaconsfield in the sincere conviction that he was the man whom it was satest to trust, and that the protestations of pacific purpose which the Government were always making would be most likely to be realized if Lord Beaconsfield had full power to carry out the policy he thought best. While all this agitation in and out of Parliament was going on; while the opposition was now pro. posing and now withdrawing amendments; while the Gov. ernment were protesting their desire for peace, and the champions of the Government out-of-doors were screaming for war; while the music-halls were cheering for the great name of Jingo, and monster meetings in Hyde Park on either side of the question were turning into mere factionfights, generally to the defeat and rout of the peace party, the news came that the Turks, utterly broken down, had been compelled to sign an armistice, and an agreement containing a basis of peace, at Adrianople. Then, following quickly on the heels of this announcement, came a report that the Russians, notwithstanding the armistice, were pushing on toward Constantinople with the intention of occupying the Turkish capital.

A cry of alarm and indignation broke out in London. One memorable night a sudden report reached the House of Commons that the Russians were actually in the suburbs of Constantinople. The House for a time almost entirely lost its head. The lobbies, the corridors, St. Stephen's Hall, the great Westminster Hall itself, and Palace Yard beyond it, became filled with wildly excited and tumultuous crowds. If the clamor of the streets at that moment had been the voice of England, nothing could have prevented a declaration of war against Russia. Happily, however, it was proved that the rumor of Russian advance was un. founded. The fleet was now sent in good earnest through the Dardanelles, and anchored a few miles below Constanti. nople. Russia at first protested that if the English fleet passed the Straits Russian troops ought to occupy the city. Lord Derby was firm, and terms of arrangement were found -English troops were not to be disembarked, and the Russians were not to advance. Russia was still open to nego. tiation.

Probably Russia had no idea of taking on herself the tremendomo, responsibility of an occupation of Constantinople. She ha entered into a treaty with Turkey, the famous Treaty ot an Stefano, by which she secured for the populations of the Christian provinces almost complete independence of Turkey, and was to create a great new Bulgarian state with a seaport on the Ægean Sea. The English Government refused to recognize this treaty. Lord Derby contended that it involved an entire readjustment of the Treaty of Paris, and that that could only be done with the sanction of the Great Powers assembled in congress. Lord Beacons. field openly declared that the Treaty of San Stefano would put the whole south-east of Europe directly under Russian influence. Russia offered to submit the treaty to the perusal, if we may use the expression, of a congress; but argued that the stipulations which merely concerned Turkey and herself were for Turkey and herself to settle between them. This was obviously an untenable position. It is out of the question to suppose that as long as European policy is conducted on its present principles the Great Powers of the West could consent to allow Russia to force on Turkey any terms she might think proper. Turkey meanwhile kept feebly moaning that she had been coerced into signing the treaty. The Government determined to call out the reserves, to summon a contingent of Indian troops, to Europe, to occupy Cyprus, and to make an armed landing on the coast of Syria. All these resolves were not, however, made known at the time. Every one felt sure that something important was going on and public expectancy was strained to the full. On March 28th, 1878, the House of Lords met as usual. Lord Derby was seen to come in and seat himself, not with the ministers on the front bench to the right of the Lord Chancellor, but below the gangway on the same side. This created some surprise; but for a moment some peers and strangers believed that he had only taken his seat there for the purpose of conversing with a friend who sat behind. The ministers came in one by one and took their places. The business of the House began. Lord Derby remained as before, in a seat below the gangway, and then it was

clear to every one that he was no longer a member of the Government. In a few moments he rose and made his explanation. Measures, he said, had been resolved upon of which he could not approve, and he had therefore resigned his office. He did not give an explanation of the measures to which he objected. Lord Beaconsfield spcke a few words of good feeling and good taste after Lord Derby's announcement. He had hoped, he said, that Lord Derby would soon come to occuy the place of Prime Minister which he now held; he dwelt upon their long friendship. Not much was said on either side on what the Government were doing. The last hope of the peace party seemed to have vanished when Lord Derby left his office.

Lord Salisbury was made Foreign Minister. He was succeeded in the Indian Office by Mr. Gathorne Hardy, now created Lord Cranbrook. Colonel Stanley, brother of Lord Derby, took the office of Minister of War in Lord Cranbrook's place. Sir Michael Hicks-Beach had already become Secretary for the Colonies on the resignation of Lord Carnarvon. The post of Irish Secretary had been given to Mr. James Lowther, an unfortunate appointment, as it afterward proved. Lord Salisbury's first act in the office of Foreign Secretary was to issue a circular in which he declared that it wculd be impossible for England to enter a congress which

was not free to consider the whole of the provisions of the Treaty of San Stefano. The very day after Parliament had adjourned for the Easter recess, the Indian Government received orders to send certain of their troops to Malta.

This was a complete surprise to the country. We may anticipate matters a little by saying that nothing in the end did more harm to Lord Beaconsfield's Government than his constant practice of taking the country by surprise. Some of his more vulgar admirers were delighted by these successive sensations. They thought it highly agreeable to be ruled by a minister who had always something new to amuse and excite them. But the common sense of the country was painfully shaken by these galvanic shocks administered every now and then. The summoning of the troops to Malta became the occasion also for a very serious controversy on a grave constitutional question. It was debated in both Houses of Parliament. The opposition contended that the constitutional principle which left it for Parliament to fix the numbers of soldiers the Crown niight maintain in England, was reduced to nothingness if the Prime Minister could at any moment, without even consulting Parliament, draw what reinforcements he thought fit from the almost limitless resources of India. No reasonable person can deny the justice of this argument. It only needs to be stated in order to enforce itself. The majority then supporting Lord Beaconsfield were not, however, much dis. posed to care about argument or reason. They were willing to approve of any step Lord Beaconsfield might think At to take.

Prince Bismark had often during these events shown an inclination to exhibit himself in the new attitude of a pcaceful mediator. He now interposed again, and issued invitations for a congress to be held in Berlin to discuss the whole contents of the Treaty of San Stefano. After some delay, discussion, and altercation, Russia agreed to accept the invitation on the conditions proposed, and it was finally resolved that a congress should assemble in Berlin on the ap. proaching June 13th. To this congress it was supposed by most persons that Lord Salisbury would be sent to represent England. Much to the surprise of the public, Lord Beaconsfield announced that he himself would attend, accompanied by Lord Salisbury, and conduct the negotiations in Berlin. The event was, we believe, without precedent. Never before had an English Prime Minister left the coun. try while Parliament was sitting to act as the representative of England in a foreign capital. The part he had under

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