their rather perfunctory acts were scantily noticed by the press and the public. From the entrance of America into the World War to the close of the year 1919, Congress was in session for twentyeight out of thirty-three months, and its debates were conducted before a forum of 100,000,000 citizens.

760. The Problems of American Democracy. The war came like a great searchlight to reveal both the latent powers and the hidden dangers of our new democracy. Disloyalty and greed, ignorance and violence, have appeared, as well as courage, patriotism, sacrifice, and devotion. We have a serious race problem on our hands in the just treatment and constructive education of 10,000,000 American negroes. The examining boards discovered that "25 per cent of the 1,600,000 men between twenty-one and thirty years of age who were first drafted into our army could not read or write our language." Every year hundreds of thousands of aliens come to our shores to enjoy the opportunities offered here for making a better living. Merely taking out naturalization papers will not make them Americans. Herded in the slums of our cities or driven in gangs of laborers to the mills and mines, these people can only escape the evil influence of the preachers of disloyalty, lawlessness, and class hatred by being taught the basal principles of American democracy-respect for law, the responsibilities of freedom, and the duty of each citizen to make himself as capable as possible to participate in the common task of securing social justice. The day of the heartless exploitation of human lives for the sake of profits must cease. The little children, "the seed-corn of the nation," must not be taken from the school and from the sunlight to toil in the cigar factories, the canning sheds, the cotton mills, and the coal breakers. We must have healthy parents and happy homes; for the home is the ultimate life-cell of our society, conditioning its soundness or its decay.

761. American Idealism. America has often been called "the land of the dollar," as if we cared for nothing but sordid material gain. The history of the last few years has proved how false that judgment is. When the clear call came for the defense of an ideal against the ruthless assertion of brute force which knew no law, Americans rich and poor, high and low, rallied to the banners of right with the fervor of the crusaders of old. They poured out their

money like water; they gave their lives with joy. Their presence on the battlefields of Europe was an inspiration like the breath of a new morning. "They came because they saw on the other side of the bloody abyss that vision for which they had always fought—a world without war, poverty, preventable disease, idle rulers, ill-paid workers, ignorance, and hopeless toiling millions. They fought to build the road to a society in which peoples should determine their own destiny in government and in all things that concern the common good."

REFERENCES

Neutrality: F. A. Occ, National Progress (American Nation Series), chaps. xiv, xv, xvii, xxi; Bertram BENEDICT, A History of the Great War, Vol. I, pp. 169-281; J. B. MCMASTER, The United States in the World War, Vol. I, chaps. i-xiii; ROBINSON and WEST, The Foreign Policy of Woodrow Wilson; A. MAURICE LOw, Woodrow Wilson, an Interpretation, chaps. vii-ix; WOODROW WILSON, Presidential Addresses and State Papers (1917); C. LLOYD JONES, The Caribbean Interests of the United States, chaps. ii, vii-x; American Academy of Politcal and Social Science, Annals, Vol. LX ("America's Interests as affected by the European War"), Vol. LXII ("America's Relation to the World Conflict").

Participation: MCMASTER, Vol. I (chaps. xiii-xvii), Vol. II; BENEDICT, Vol. I, pp. 282-412; FLORENCE F. KELLY, What America Did; FREDERICK PALMER, America in France, and Our Greatest Battle; J. S. Bassett, Our War with Germany; R. G. USHER, The Story of the Great War; JOSEPH HUSBAND, A Year in the Navy; J. C. WISE, The Turn of the Tide; H. P. DAVISON, The American Red Cross in the Great War; WALTER WEYL, The End of the War; DE CHAMBRUN and DE MARENCHES, The American Army in the European Conflict; G. J. HECHT, The War in Cartoons; ERNEST PEIXOTTO, The American Front; The American Year Book (1917, 1918); C. J. H. HAYES, A Brief History of the Great War, chaps. x-xv.

Problems of Peace: E. J. DILLON, The Inside Story of the Peace Conference; E. M. FRIEDMAN (ed.), American Problems of Reconstruction; OrdWAY TEAD, The People's Part in Peace; E. L. BOGART, The Direct and Indirect Costs of the Great World War; NORMAN ANGELL, America and the New World State; J. G. BROOKS, American Syndicalism, the I. W. W.; E. J. CLAPP, The Economic Aspects of the War; T. W. Van MeTRE (ed.), Railroad Legislation (Academy of Political Science, Proceedings, Vol. VIII); ADAMS and SUMNER, Labor Problems, Books II-V; NICHOLAS MURRAY BUTLER, Is America Worth Saving? E. A. STEINER, Nationalizing America.

TOPICS FOR SPECIAL REPORTS

1. The Adamson Act: OGG, pp. 353-363; E. J. CLAPP, in the Yale Review, Vol. VI, pp. 258–275; E. G. RobBINS, The Trainman's Eight-Hour Day (Political Science Quarterly, Vol. XXXI, pp. 541-557); The Review of Reviews, Vol. LIV, pp. 389-393; T. R. POWELL, The Supreme Court and the Adamson Law (The University of Pennsylvania Law Review, Vol. LXV, pp. 3–27).

2. National Defense: OGG, pp. 384-390; BASSETT, pp. 71-79, 114-130; HAYES, pp. 219-224; HART and LOVEJOY, Handbook of the War, pp. 83-94 (with references appended); LANE and BAKER, The Nation in Arms (War Information Series, No. 2); GEORGE H. ALLEN and others, The Great War, Vol. IV, pp. 474–478; Samuel Gompers, American Labor and the War, pp. 50-68; New York Times Current History of the European War, Vol. III, pp. 18-22, 488495, 685-687, 818, 1088-1092.

3. Should Immigration be Restricted? ADAMS and SUMNER, pp. 80-111; P. F. HALL, Immigration, pp. 309–323; R. MAYO-SMITH, Emigration and Immigration, pp. 266-302; JAMES BRYCE, The American Commonwealth (edition of 1911), Vol. II, pp. 469-490; FRANCIS WALKER, Discussions in Economics and Statistics, Vol. II, pp. 417-451.

4. The American Army at St. Mihiel and the Argonne: BASSETT, pp. 229-282; HAYES, pp. 326-334; F. P. SIBLEY, With the Yankee Division in France, pp. 257-281; R. S. TOMPKINS, The Story of the Rainbow Division, pp. 102-144; New York Times Current History, Vol. IX, pp. 228–236, 526–539, and January, 1920, pp. 50-68 (General Pershing's Report).

5. A League of Nations: New York Times Current History, Vol. X, pp. 287-292 (text), pp. 87-108 (discussion); GOMPERS, pp. 69-82; BASSETT, 348358; J. B. MOORE, The Peace Problem (North American Review, Vol. CCIV, pp. 74-89); TEAD, pp. 7-26; Pamphlets of the World Peace Foundation (Boston): The Covenanter (Letters on the League), No. 3, June, 1919; Joint Debate on the Covenant of Paris (by HENRY CABOT LODGE and A. LAWRENCE LOWELL), No. 2, April, 1919.

APPENDIX I

DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE1

IN CONGRESS, JULY 4, 1776

A DECLARATION BY THE REPRESENTATIVES OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA, IN CONGRESS ASSEMBLED

WHEN, in the course of human events, it becomes necessary for one people to dissolve the political bands which have connected them with another, and to assume, among the powers of the earth, the separate and equal station to which the laws of nature and of nature's God entitle them, a decent respect to the opinions of mankind requires that they should declare the causes which impel them to the separation.

We hold these truths to be self-evident: - That all men are created equal; that they are endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable rights; that among these are life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness. That, to secure these rights, governments are instituted among men, deriving their just powers from the consent of the governed; that, whenever any form of government becomes destructive of these ends, it is the right of the people to alter or to abolish it, and to institute a new government, laying its foundation on such principles, and organizing its powers in such form, as to them shall seem most likely to effect their safety and happiness. Prudence, indeed, will dictate, that governments long established should not be changed for light and transient causes; and accordingly all experience hath shown that mankind are more disposed to suffer while evils are sufferable, than to right themselves by abolishing the forms to which they are accustomed. But when a long train of abuses and usurpations, pursuing invariably the same object, evinces a design to reduce them under absolute despotism, it is their right, it is their duty, to throw off such government, and to provide new guards for their future security. Such has been the patient sufferance of these colonies; and such is now the necessity which constrains them to alter their former systems of government. The history of the present King of Great Britain is

1 The original copy of the Declaration of Independence is kept in the Department of State in Washington. The Declaration was adopted July 4, 1776, and was signed by the members representing the thirteen states August 2, 1776. John Hancock, whose name appears first among the signers, was president of the Congress.