tottering fabrics of the States whose international relations he thus proposed to adjust, Lord Wellesley was compelled to resort to subsidiary alliances. The balance of power could nowhere be found: there were no materials for its reconstruction, because it had never existed. The puppet whom Lord Wellesley had placed on the dismantled throne of Mysore, and on whom he reckoned as one of the pillars of his system, was the mere creature and dependant of the British Government. The Nizam, instead of becoming attached to the State extending to him its protection, grew restless under the conditions on which it was granted; whilst Lord Wellesley's attempt to maintain by treaty the authority of the Peshwah, so far from contributing to promote his object, roused the hostility of the entire Mahratta Confederacy, who regarded that Prince as their nominal Chief, and produced a costly and bloody war, terminating in his dethronement; whilst the consequent disorganization of the Mahratta Empire, by setting free those predatory bands whom its power had previously held in subjection, involved Lord Hastings in another extensive contest.

It was on a deliberate comparison of the advantages and evils resulting from limitation or extension of territory-for he regarded such to be the real question that the Duke of Wellington, in the very

career of conquest, declared in favour of the former alternative*. Whether the ultimate results of the Administration of Lord Wellesley and his successors must not be considered preferable to the previous state of the British Power in India, is an inquiry in which the reputation of Lord Teignmouth's government is not involved. The real question, on the determination of which the public judgment on its

* "I am afraid we shall be reduced to the alternative of allowing Sindiah to be our neighbour upon our old frontier, or of taking this country ourselves.

"If we allow Sindiah to be our neighbour, or if the country goes to any other through his influence, we must expect worse than what has past,-thieves of all kinds, new Dhoondiahs, and probably Dhoondiah himself again. If we take the country ourselves, I do not expect much tranquillity.

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In my opinion, the extension of our territory and influence has been greater than our means. Besides, we have added to the number and description of our enemies, by depriving of employment those who heretofore found it in the service of Tippoo and of the Nizam. Wherever we spread ourselves, particularly if we aggrandize ourselves at the expense of the Mahrattas, we increase this evil. We throw out of employment, and of means of subsistence, all who have hitherto managed the revenue, commanded or served in the armies, or have plundered the country. These people become additional enemies; at the same time that, by the extension of our territory, our means of supporting the Government, and of defending ourselves, is proportionably decreased.

"Upon all questions of increase of territory, these considerations have much weight with me; and I am, in general, inclined to decide that we have enough; as much at least, if not more, than we can defend."-Despatches, I. 209.

merits should turn, appears to be this-Whether, at a period of profound peace, and with the means not only of resisting aggression but of preventing its renewal, any event which occurred during the continuance of Lord Teignmouth's Administration constituted an emergency sufficient to justify him in entering, in defiance of Legislative prohibition, on a new and hazardous political course, the consequences of which no sagacity could foresee?

To the principle involved in the above statement may be referred the consideration of the decision adopted by Lord Teignmouth, respecting the Poonah Succession, the affairs of the Nizam, and other transactions, on which Sir J. Malcolm and other writers have animadverted *.

With the cares and labours of his government Lord Teignmouth laid aside all thoughts respecting its reputation. His calmness on being informed of the intended Parliamentary impeachment of his

* Mr. Alison, who has exaggerated the dangers of the pacific system, has tested it by a principle which he has had the boldness to advance and to maintain, in disregard of the Statesmen whose authority he most reveres-of Pitt, of Dundas-of Wellesley, whose recent protest against the Affghan Expedition is familiar to every reader-and of Wellington, and in opposition to the whole tenour of History, that conquest, to induce security, must be universal. Could a more striking confirmation of the reverse of this proposition, and one better adapted to restrain human arrogance and ambition, be found, than that supplied by the downfal of the principal hero of his own eloquent narration?

Oude transactions has been alluded to. He never read any published account of his Administration, or heeded strictures or animadversions on his measures: nor had he occasion to refer to the recorded reasons of his conduct, on which he rested exclusively his justification. During many years after his final departure from India he rarely adverted to its political affairs: nor was his attention to them recalled by his official connection with that country, when appointed a Member of the Board of Controul, as it was almost nominal; nor by his attendance, exclusively in a judicial capacity, as a Privy Counsellor on Indian Appeals.

The moral and religious welfare of the Indian population excited, indeed, his warm and active interest. His correspondence with his son in India, and literary intercourse with persons engaged in Oriental pursuits, revived his old associations, and called forth the results of his experience. And as age grew upon him, his mind naturally recurred to the more active periods of his life, and drew from his Indian recollections unfailing topics of entertaining and profitable conversation. But, nevertheless, Lord Teignmouth may be considered as having opened, on his return to his native country, a new volume of his history, the pages of which indicate but few traces of his former long, arduous, and successful career.

APPENDIX I. VOL. I.

EXTRACT FROM MR. SHORE'S MEMOIR ON THE ADMINISTRATION OF JUSTICE, AND COLLECTION OF THE REVENUES. (1785.)

BENGAL is inhabited by various Sects, amongst which that of the Hindoos may be esteemed to make up eighttenths of the population. They are the Aborigines of the country, and, by nature and religion, are peaceable and inoffensive.

Their national character is the compound of their character as individuals. An obstinate attachment to all their customs and prejudices, whether superstitious, ceremonious, or traditional, may be deemed a general characteristic of the Hindoos.

Their manners partake of the nature of the Government under which they have ever lived;-and this has been arbitrary or despotic. The natives are timid and servile. As individuals, they are insolent to their inferiors; to their superiors, generally speaking, submissive; though they are to them, also, guilty of insolence, where they can be so with impunity.

Speculation they seldom indulge in, in any transactions: the present hour is what they alone look to the advantage of, which they will not forego for greater