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But, gentlemen, although the public lands are not to be given away, nor ceded to particular states, a very liberal policy in regard to them, ought undoubtedly to prevail. Such a policy has prevailed, and I have steadily supported it, and shall continue to support it so long as I may remain in public life. The main object, in regard to these lands, is, undoubtedly, to settle them, so fast as the growth of our population, and its augmentation by emigration, may enable us to settle them.

The lands, therefore, should be sold at a low price; and for one, I have never doubted the right or expediency of granting portions of the lands themselves, or of making grants of money, for objects of internal improvement connected with them.

I have always supported liberal appropriations for the purpose of opening communications to and through these lands by common roads, canals and railroads; and where lands of little value have been long in market, and, on account of their indifferent quality, are not likely to command a common price, I know no objection to a reduction of price, as to such lands, so that they may pass into private ownership. Nor do I feel

any objections to the removal of those restraints which prevent the states from taxing the lands for five years after they are sold. But, while in these and all other respects, I am not only reconciled to a liberal policy, but espouse it and support it, and have constantly done so, I hold, still, the national domain to be the general property of the country, confided to the care of congress, and which congress is solemnly bound to protect and preserve for the common good.

The benefit derived from the public lands, after all, is, and must be, in the greatest degree, enjoyed by those who buy them and settle upon them. The original price paid to government constitutes but a small part of their actual value. Their immediate rise in value, in the hands of the settler, gives him competence. He exercises a power of selection over a vast region of fertile territory, all on sale at the same price, and that price an exceedingly low one. Selection is no sooner made, cultiva tion is no sooner begun, and the first furrow turned, than he already finds himself a man of property. These are the ad. vantages of westeru emigrants and western settlers; and they are such, certainly, as no country on earth ever before afforded to her citizens. This opportunity of purchase and settlement, this certainty of enhanced value, these sure means of immediate competence and ultimate wealth, all these are the rights and the blessings of the people of the west, and they have my hearty wishes for their full and perfect enjoyment.

I desire to see the public lands cultivated and occupied. I desire the growth and prosperity of the west, and the fullest development of its vast and extraordinary resources. I wish to bring it near to us, by every species of useful communication. I see, not without admiration and amazement, but yet without envy or jealousy, states of recent origin already containing more people than Massachusetts. These people I know to be part of ourselves; they have proceeded from the midst of us, and we may trust that they are not likely to separate themselves, in interest or in feeling, from their kindred, whom they have left on the farms and around the hearths of their common fathers.

A liberal policy, a sympathy with its interests, an enlightened and generous feeling of participation in its prosperity, are due to the west, and will be met, I doubt not, by a return of sentiments equally cordial and equally patriotic.

Gentlemen, the general question of revenue is very much connected with this subject of the public lands, and I will therefore, in a very few words, express my opinions on that point.

The revenue involves not only the supply of the treasury with money, but the question of protection to manufactures. On these connected subjects, therefore, gentlemen, as I have promised to keep nothing back, I will state my opinions plainly, but very shortly.

I am in favor of such a revenue as shall be equal to all the just and reasonable wants of the government; and I am decidedly opposed to all collection or accumulation of revenue beyond this point. An extravagant government expenditure and unnecessary accumulation in the treasury, are both, of all things else, to be most studiously avoided.

I am in favor of protecting American industry and labor, not only as employed in large manufactories, but also, and more especially, as employed in the various mechanic arts, carried on by persons of small capitals, and living by the earnings of their own personal industry. Every city in the Union, and none more than this, would feel severely the consequences of departing from the ancient and continued policy of the government respecting this last branch of protection. If duties were to be abolished on hats, boots, shoes, and other articles of leather, and on the articles fabricated of brass, tin and iron, and on readymade clothes, carriages, furniture, and many similar articles, thousands of persons would be immediately thrown out of em ployment in this city, and in other parts of the Union. Protection, in this respect, of our own labor against the cheaper, ill. paid, half-fed, and pauper labor of Europe, is in my opinion, a duty which the country owes to its own citizens. I am, therefore, decidedly, for protecting our own industry, and our own labor.

In the next place, gentlemen, I am of opinion that, with no more than usual skill in the application of the well-tried princi

ples of discriminating and specific duties, all the branches of national industry may be protected, without imposing such duties on imports as shall overcharge the treasury.

And as to the revenues arising from the sales of the public lands, I am of opinion that they ought to be set apart for the use of the states. The states need the money. ment of the United States does not need it. Many of the states have contracted large debts for objects of internal improvement;

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and others of them have important objects which they would wish to accomplish. The lands were originally granted for the use of the several states; and now that their proceeds are not necessary for the purposes of the general government, I am of opinion that they should go to the states, and to the people of the states, upon an equal principle. Set apart, then, the proceeds of the public lands for the use of the states; supply the treasury from duties on imports; apply to these duties a just and careful discrimination, in favor of articles produced at home by our own labor, and thus support, to a fair extent, our own manufactures. These, gentlemen, appear to me to be the general outlines of that policy which the present condition of the country requires us to adopt.

Gentlemen, proposing to express opinions on the principal subjects of interest at the present moment, it is impossible to overlook the delicate question which has arisen from events which have happened in the late Mexican province of Texas. The independence of that province has now been recognized by the government of the United States. Congress gave the president the means, to be used when he saw fit, of opening a diplomatic intercourse with its government, and the late president immediately made use of those means.

I saw no objection, under the circumstances, to voting an appropriation to be used when the president should think the proper time had come; and he deemed, very promptly, it is true, that the time had already arrived. Certainly, gentlemen, the history of Texas is not a little wonderful. A very few people, in a very short time, have established a government for themselves, against the authority of the parent state; and which government, it is generally supposed, there is little probability, at the present moment, of the parent state being able to overturn. This government is, in form, a copy of our own.

It is an American constitution, substantially after the great American model. We all, therefore, must wish it success; and there is no one who will more heartily rejoice than I shall, to see an independent community, intelligent, industrious, and friendly to ward us, springing up, and rising into happiness, distinction and power, upon our own principles of liberty and government.

But it cannot be disguised, gentlemen, that a desire, or an intention, is already manifested to annex Texas to the United States. On a subject of such mighty magnitude as this, and at a moment when the public attention is drawn to it, I should feel myself wanting in candor, if I did not express my opinion, since all must suppose that, on such a question, it is impossible that I should be without some opinion.

I say, then, gentlemen, in all frankness, that I see objections, I think insurmountable objections, to the annexation of Texas to the United States. When the constitution was formed, it is not probable that either its framers or the people ever looked to the admission of any states into the Union, except such as then already existed, and such as should be formed out of territories then already belonging to the United States. Fifteen years after the adoption of the constitution, however, the case of Louisiana arose. Louisiana was obtained by treaty with France, who had recently obtained it from Spain; but the object of this acquisition certainly was not mere extension of territory. Other great political interests were connected with it. Spain, while she possessed Louisiana, had held the mouths of the great rivers which rise in the western states, and flow into the gulf of Mexico. She had disputed our use of these rivers already, and with a powerful nation in possession of these outlets to the sea, it is obvious that the commerce of all the west was in danger of perpetual vexation. The command of these rivers to the sea was, therefore, the great object aimed at in the acquisition of Louisiana. But that acquisition necessarily brought territory along with it, and three states now exist, formed out of that ancient province.

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